A HISTORY OF
DUNSTER
A HISTORY OF
D UNST ER
X i^i^Ceer^
JJS(^
A HISTORY OF
D U N ST E R
AND OF THE FAMILIES OF
MOHUN & LUTTRELL
BY
SIR H.C.MAXWELL LYTE,K.C.B.
Deputy Keeper of the Records.
PART I
I L LUSTRA TED
LONDON
THE ST. CATHERINE PRESS LTD
8 YORK BUILDINGS, ADELPHI
1909
.(^^
d
PREFACE
In 1880 and 1881, I contributed to the Archoeo-
logical Journal a series of papers on ' Dunster and its
Lords, ' which were afterwards reprinted for private
circulation, together with a descriptive sketch of
Dunster Castle by the late Mr. G. T. Clark, and a
chapter on the Siege and Surrender of Dunster Castle
by Mr. E. Green. In the years that have since
elapsed, I have collected a great deal of fresh material,
and I have now thrown the result of my researches
into a different form, re-writing the book from
beginning to end and enlarging it threefold.
The successive owners of the Castle have always
been so predominant in Dunster that I have again
made the general history of the place centre in the
Mohuns and Luttrells. It has, however, seemed
expedient to devote a separate chapter to the Castle
in which they dwelt, and another to the remarkable
church in which the parishioners worshipped.
In view of the growing interest in the history of
economics and social life, I have written an entirely
new chapter on the Borough and the Manor, mainly
based upon the court-rolls. A chapter on the topo-
graphy of Dunster may be of some local interest.
As the parish comprises the manors of Avill, Staunton
and Alcombe, and the reputed manor of Foremarsh,
or at any rate the greater part of them, I have traced
their respective histories briefly, but without any
VI PREFACE
attempt to give biographies of their successive owners.
The accounts of different branches of the families of
Mohun and Luttrell not directly connected with
Dunster printed in the Appendixes were intended to
be mere genealogical outlines, but they have extended
to such a length that I have, at the last moment,
found it desirable to divide the book into two parts,
paged consecutively.
A few words must be said with regard to the
original authorities upon which this volume is based,
although no explanation is necessary in the case of
printed books, or of MSS. in the Public Record
Office, the British Museum, the College of Arms,
the Lambeth Library, and other great collections.
Much of my material has been derived from the
muniments at Dunster Castle, which are very rich in
conveyances of land, court-rolls, and other documents
relating to the estate. They were arranged in thirty-
eight boxes by William Prynne, the celebrated
controversialist, during his imprisonment at Dunster
Castle in the middle of the seventeenth century, and
his general catalogue of them was afterwards much
improved by Narcissus Luttrell, a man of some liter-
ary repute. In the footnotes to the present work, the
muniments at Dunster Castle are indicated by the
letters — D. C. M., followed by the number of the
box and by that of the particular document quoted.
When using manuscripts in the same collection
subsequent to 1650, I have not been able to give
specific references, the classification of them being as
yet incomplete. Most of these later manuscripts
relate to land or to matters of business, almost all
the old family correspondence having been long since
destroyed as useless. The preservation of numerous
letters and papers concerning elections for the parlia-
PREFACE VII
mentary borough of Minehead may have been due
to an idea that they might furnish precedents.
There was, in the eighteenth century, a collection
of nearly a hundred medieval documents in Dunster
Church, relating to the rights of the burgesses and
the endovi^ments of the local chantries. Many of
the more important of them have disappeared, a
former incumbent of the parish having apparently
considere;i himself free to do what he would with
such things. A century ago, a well-known antiquary
unblushingly referred to some of the originals as
being in his own possession ; one of them has found
its way to the Castle. The former contents of one
of the three ancient chests in the Church are now
represented by a volume of indifferent transcripts
made in 171 6, which is in the possession of Mr.
Luttrell. I have referred to this as D. C. B.
In June 1908, when the earlier part of the present
book had been already printed, there was offered
for sale by auction in London, a folio volume of
170 leaves of parchment catalogued as " Cartularium
et jeodarium Dominorum de Mohun'" } On inspection,
this proved to be a fragment of the important com-
pilation made, in 1350, by John Osberne, Constable
of Dunster Castle, as mentioned on page 49 and
elsewhere. The originals of many of the documents
transcribed into it had disappeared before Prynne's
time, but it is interesting to note that such of them
as still remain in Mr. Luttrell's muniment-room are
endorsed " irrotulatur^ " in evidence that they had
been duly entered in the cartulary. I was not so
fortunate as to secure this manuscript at the sale, and
I have not been able to obtain direct access to it since.
• Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge's Catalogue of the Phillipps Collection,
Lot 545.
VIII PREFACE
The present owner, however, who wishes to remain
anonymous, has very kindly supplied me with full
transcripts of some of its contents, notably the treatise
on agriculture mentioned on page 321, and the
agreement between the monks and the parishioners
of Dunster mentioned on page 393. I take this op-
portunity of thanking him.
The volume mentioned above, contains one passage
which I have quoted in Latin (page 351) from a
series of extracts made by Richard St. George, Norroy
King of Arms, in 1610, when the cartulary belonged
to Sir Reynold Mohun of Boconnoc. The remainder
of St. George's extracts, to which I have occasionally
referred, came from leaves which are now unfortun-
ately missing.
Some particulars about the foundation of Newen-
ham Abbey given in Chapter I, are taken from a
transcript kindly lent to me by the late Mr. John
Brooking Rowe, of Plympton, of a register of that
monastery in the Phillipps Library at Thirlestaine
House, Cheltenham.
Another manuscript source of information has been
a " Historical account of the family of the Lutterells,
from the Conquest, collected from records, history,
pedigrees and registers, by Narcissus Luttrell, Esq. "
This is a collection of notes arranged in successive
reigns down to 1729, which have in some cases
guided me to original authorities, and in other cases
supplied genealogical particulars about the younger
branches of the Luttrell family. The manuscript
was at one time the property of Dr. Luttrell Wynne,
grandson of the compiler's sister, and it seems to
have passed to Mr. Edward W. Stackhouse, whose
heir, Mr. W. C. Pendarves very appropriately gave
it to the present owner of Dunster Castle.
PREFACE IX
Mr. E. Green has again kindly permitted me to
reprint, with some trifling verbal alterations, his
paper on the Siege and Surrender of Dunster Castle.
It is now incorporated with my own text, and
divided into two sections, extending respectively from
page 1 80 to page 182, and from page 187 to page
194. I am much indebted to him in the matter.
In quoting from documents written in Latin or
French, I have translated as literally as circumstances
would permit, giving any interesting or doubtful
words in the original language. In English quota-
tions, I have, through the force of habit, retained the
old spelling, while extending abbreviations and punc-
tuating according to sense. Dates between the i st of
January and the 25th of March, the old beginning of
the year, have been given throughout according to
modern practise.
I have not thought it necessary to cumber my
pages, already too full of the names of obscure per-
sons, with lists of the owners of property at Dunster
at different periods. My friend Mr. Hancock, the
present Vicar of the parish, has printed lists of the
churchwardens and overseers, copies of epitaphs, and
extracts from the local registers. His monograph on
the Church and Priory has been constantly by my
side, but I have been constrained to differ from him
on some historical points and in the interpretation of
various documents.
Most of the full-page illustrations that appeared in
my former book were printed from stones long since
destroyed. In place of them, there is now a much
larger series of illustrations, executed by photographic
processes of the Swan Engraving Company and
others. The view of the Gateway of the Lower Ward
(p. 351) is from a negative by Miss Luttrell. All
X PREFACE
the others are from my own negatives of landscapes,
buildings, portraits and other objects. The Earl of
Mount Edgcumbe very kindly sent the great Luttrell
carpet from Cotehele to Dunster, so that it might
be examined and photographed. The woodcuts of the
Mohun and Luttrell Seals were drawn, in 1880, by
my wife and the late Professor Delamotte, for the
Archceo logical Journal.
Mr. Luttrell has not only given me every facility
for consulting his manuscripts and for taking photo-
graphs in the Castle, but has also shown a continual and
appreciative interest in my work. Mr. J. H. Davis,
his sub-agent, has also been very helpful, especially
with regard to the topography of the town. While
dealing with difficult architectural problems connected
with the Church, I have received many valuable
suggestions from Mr. W. H. St. John Hope, Mr. F.
Bligh Bond, and Mr. F. C. Eeles. To Mr. W. A.
Lindsay, Windsor Herald, and Mr. Everard Green,
Rougedragon Pursuivant, I am indebted for access to
manuscripts in the College of Arms. Other friends
have helped me in various ways, and I cannot con-
clude without expressing my thanks to several of my
colleagues at the Public Record Office, especially
Mr. Harley Rodney, who has examined the proof
sheets.
3 PoRTMAN Square.
March 1909. H. C. M. L.
INTRODUCTION
Dunster is situate in the Hundred of Carhampton,
in the western division of the county of Somerset,
162 miles from London, 22 from Taunton, and 15
from the confines of Devonshire. The parish is
bounded on the north by the Bristol Channel, on the
east and south by the parishes of Carhampton, Lux-
borough, Timberscombe, and Wootton Courtenay,
and on the west by that of Minehead. It contains
2870 acres, of which about a third are uncultivated.
The rateable value is 4933/.
A ridge known anciently as Grobfast, and now as
Grabbist, rises in the parish to a height of 760 feet
above the sea, while the rich pastures below are only
a few feet above the level of high tide. The little
town of Dunster stands on a saddleback, sheltered on
the south by the hanging woods and the heathery
uplands of the Park, on the west by the steep slopes
of Grabbist, and on the north by those of Conygar,
where oaks and hollies have taken the place of rough
pasture frequented by rabbits. At the southeastern
extremity of the town is the isolated, conical hill
known as the ' Tor ', for centuries crowned by the
defensive works of a mighty castle.
The views from the higher ground in the parish
of Dunster are remarkable for their beauty and variety.
Although comparatively circumscribed on the south by
a bare spur of the Brendon Hills, they extend westward
XII INTRODUCTION
up the rich vale of Avill to Dunkery, the highest
point of Exmoor, and one of the highest points in
the west of England. On the north, they command
a long stretch of the Welsh Coast, backed by the
Brecon Beacons and other mountains. Eastward, they
range over a great expanse of sea and land, the Flat
Holmes, the Steep Holmes, Brean Down at the end
of the Mendip Hills, the alabaster cliffs near Watchet,
and the long line of the Quantocks, being prominent
features in the landscape.
The parish is traversed by a clear stream descending
from Exmoor, formerly known as the Dunster River,
but now usually called the Avill, which supplied
motive power for several grist-mills, and for various
fulling-mills now disused. Numerous rills flowing
out of it irrigate the rich meadows on either side.
In the lower part of its course, the main stream is
now the boundary between the parishes of Dunster
and Carhampton. After winding its way through
alluvial land near Marsh, it discharges into the Bristol
Channel by the Hawn, the ancient haven of Dunster,
frequently mentioned in medieval documents, but
now silted up.
The site of Dunster must have been known to the
Roman colonists of Britain, for some copper coins of
the reigns of Maximian and Constantine were found,
about 1863, in the Park, close to the former highway
from Gallocks Cross to Carhampton. Its recorded
history, however, does not begin before the time of
Edward the Confessor, when it belonged to a certain
^Ifric (Aluric), who also held Broadwood, Avill, and
Bratton, in the immediate neighbourhood. All these
places were bestowed by William the Conqueror
upon William de Moion, one of his Norman followers,
the first of a long series of feudal barons.
INTRODUCTION xiii
The site of William de Moion's castle is described
in the Exchequer Domesday as ' Torre ', and in the
Exeter Domesday as ' Torra '. In a charter granted
by him to the monks of Bath, between the years
1090 and 1 1 00, the place is called ' Dunestore' and
' Donesthorra '. The second part of the compounded
name indicates a projecting rock, like the Tors of
Devonshire and Derbyshire. The origin of the first
part of the name is less certain. Inasmuch as the
place is never called Duntor, or Dunetor, any inter-
pretation must take account of the ' s ' or ' es ' vv^hich
alv^^ays precedes the final syllable. Tv^o alternatives
seem possible. Dunster may have been the ' tor ' of
the dunes, or hills ; or it may have been the ' tor ' of a
man named Dun. In support of the latter theory, it
may be observed that among the estates granted to
William de Moion by the Conqueror were one at
Exford which had belonged to Domno or Donnus,
and another at Elworthy which had belonged to
Dunne or Dunna.
Ecclesiastically, Dunster is in the Archdeaconry
of Taunton, and it gives its name to the Deanery of
which it is the chief place. Its cruciform church is,
from an architectural point of view, the most impor-
tant in the neighbourhood. The parish comprises
the ancient manors of Dunster, Avill, Staunton and
Alcombe, and part of the reputed manor of Foremarsh.
The population, which was 772 in 1801, had risen
to 1 1 84 by 1 85 1, since which time it has been
practically stationary. The local woollen industry
being extinct, most of the inhabitants are connected
with agriculture. There are various shops in the
town of Dunster, and a few at Alcombe.
««
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I.
The Mohuns of Dunster, 1066- 1404 .... i
CHAPTER II.
The early Luttrells, 1191-1403 ..... 59
CHAPTER III.
The Luttrells of Chilton and Dunster, 1 337-1 485 . . 75
CHAPTER IV.
The Luttrells of Dunster, 1485-1551 .... 129
CHAPTER V.
The Luttrells of Dunster, 1 551-1644 . . . . 166
CHAPTER VI.
The Luttrells of Dunster, 1644- 17 37 . . . . i86
CHAPTER VII.
The Fownes Luttrells of Dunster, 1 737-1 780. . . 225
CHAPTER VIII.
The Fownes Luttrells of Dunster, 17 80- 1908. . . 262
CHAPTER IX.
The Borough and the Manor of Dunster . . . 276
XVI CONTENTS
CHAPTER X.
The topography of Dunster ...... 329
CHAPTER XI.
Dunster Castle 349
CHAPTER XII.
Dunster Church and Priory . . . . . . 383
CHAPTER XIII.
The Manor of Avill 434
CHAPTER XIV.
The Manor of Staunton ...... 443
CHAPTER XV.
The Manor of Alcombe 455
CHAPTER XVI.
Lower Marsh ........ 458
APPENDIX A.
The Mohuns of Ham Mohun in Dorset .
The Mohuns of Fleet in Dorset
The Mohuns of Hall and Boconnoc in Cornwall
The Mohuns of Tavistock ....
Some Mohuns not placed ....
469
472
477
495
497
APPENDIX B.
The Arms and Seals of the Mohuns .... 498
APPENDIX C.
The Luttrells of Irnham in Lincolnshire .... 505
The Luttrells of East Down in Devonshire and Spaxton in
Somerset . . . . . . . . 510
The Luttrells of Honibere in Somerset and Hartland
Abbey in Devonshire . . . . . . 513
CONTENTS XVII
APPENDIX C. (CONT.)
The Luttrells of Saunton Court in Devonshire, and their
descendants. ......
John Luttrell of Mapperton in Dorset and his descendants
The Luttrells of Rodhuish in Somerset .
Alexander Fownes Luttrell (i) and his descendants .
Francis Fownes Luttrell and his descendants .
Alexander Fownes Luttrell (2) and his descendants .
518
530
531
534
535
536
APPENDIX D.
The Luttrells of Luttrellstown near Dublin . , . 539
APPENDIX E.
The Arms and Seals of the Luttrells . . . . 54 ^
APPENDIX F.
List of the Priors of Dunster. . . . . . 552
List of the Vicars and Curates of Dunster . . . 553
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS . . 5 56
GENERAL INDEX . . . 56 1
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PLATES.
Sir John Luttrell.
Dunster Castle, from the river
Joan, Lady de Mohun, and Philippa, Duchess of
(after Stothard) ....
Effigies of Sir Hugh Luttrell and his wife
Arms of Sir James Luttrell .
Dame Elizabeth Luttrell
Arms of Sir Andrew Luttrell
George Luttrell .....
Col. Francis Luttrell ....
Mary Luttrell (Lady Bancks)
Anne Luttrell (Mrs. Pleydell)
Dorothy Luttrell
Alexander Luttrell ....
Margaret Fownes Luttrell (Mrs. Southcote)
Mary Drewe (Mrs. Fownes Luttrell)
John Fownes Luttrell .
George Fownes Luttrell
Dunster, from the Hanger
The Grist-mill, Dunster
The High Street, Dunster
Overmantels, Dunster .
To face title.
6
York,
54
104
120
130
137
176
206
215
221
222
224
261
269
271
275
285
327
330
333
XX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Luttrell Arms Hotel, Dunster, the entrance .
A cottage doorway, St. George's Street, Dunster
Gallocks bridge, Dunster
A cottage doorway. Water Street, Dunster
Map of the town of Dunster .
Gateway of the Lower Ward, Dunster Castle
Plan of the Gatehouse, Dunster Castle .
The Gatehouse, Dunster Castle, from below
South-west view of Dunster Castle.
The Stables, Dunster Castle .
The Great Staircase, Dunster Castle
Plan of the mansion-house, Dunster Castle
Antony receiving Cleopatra .
Antony crowning Cleopatra .
The Gatehouse, Dunster Castle, from the Green Court
Turned chair, Dunster Castle
Fireplace in the Hall, Dunster Castle
Dunster Church, from the south .
Dunster Church, interior
Arch in the south transept, Dunster Church
Plan of Dunster Church
Lower Marsh, the entrance .
Seals, 1-3 .
Seals, 4-7 .
Sir Andrew Luttrell
Charlotte Drewe (Mrs.
Seals, 8-10 .
Seals, 1 1 -1 4
Seals, 15-18
Seals, 19-22
Seals, 23-27
Seals, 28-35
F. Fownes Luttrell)
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
XXI
ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT.
Old tile in Dunster Church, with the arms of Mohun
Standard-bearer, from the Luttrell Psalter
Swan-marks ......
Pipe-head at East Quantockshead .
Shield at the Luttrell Arms Hotel .
Heraldic Tablet on the Gate-house, Dunster Castle
John Wyther and Agnes Wyther . . ,
Old glass quarry in Dunster Church
Fragment of ancient glass, Dunster Church
Elizabethan chalice and paten, Dunster Church
Thomas Mohun ......
John Mohun and Anne Mohun
58
128
160
185
333
363
402
433
454
468
480
481
A HISTORY OF
D UNST ER
CHAPTER I.
The Mohuns of Dunster
1066 — 1404.
William de Mohun, the progenitor of the noble
house which held Dunster for more than three
centuries, and flourished afterwards in Cornwall and
Dorset, took his name from Moyon near St. Lo in
Normandy, in which country the family had consid-
erable possessions until its separation from the crown
of England. His descendants in turn gave their
name to Hammoon in Dorset, to Ottery Mohun and
Tormoham in Devon, and to Grange Mohun in the
county of Kildare. In England, their surname was
spelt at different times Moion and Moyon, Moiun
and Moyun, Moun, Mooun, Moyhun and Mohun,
and just as the illustrious name of Bohun degenerated
into Boon, that of Mohun got corrupted into Moon \
With regard to the pronunciation of it, there is an
interesting note of the fourteenth century to the
effect that the change from Moion to Mohun had
involved the loss of a syllable. ^
The domain of Moyon is mentioned in 1027 as
part of the dower of Adela, Duchess of Normandy,
but nothing whatever is known as to the parentage
of WilUam de Mohun who came over to England
' For the sake of uniformity, the following pages, except in quotations,
name will be given as Mohun in the • Devon Notes & Queries, vo]. iv. p. 20.
2 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
with William the Conqueror. ^ There is an oft-
repeated statement that he then had in his retinue
fifty-seven (or forty-seven) " stout knights of name
and repute, " and a narrative in old French professes
to enumerate them. It begins : —
" Be it known that in the year of the grace of our Lord
Jesus Christ one thousand and sixty-six, on Saturday the
feast of St. Calixtus, came William the Bastard, Duke of
Normandy, cousin of the noble king St. Edward, the son
of Emma of England, and killed King Harold and took
away the land from him by the aid of the Normans and
other men of other lands ; among whom came with him
Sir William de Moion the old, the noblest of all the host.
This William de Moion had in his retinue in the host all
the great lords after named, as it is written in the Book of
the Conquerors. "
Then follows a list of fifty-seven names, among
which may be noticed those of Marmion, Paignel,
Basqueville, Corcye, Lacy, Columbers, Bullebek,
Tregoz, Montfichet, and Bigot. ^ This has been
described as " a following worthy of an Emperor."
When, however, we turn to Wace's Roman de Rou^
we there find the same names standing in the same
order, but with this important difference that of
William de Mohun we read only : —
" Le viel JVillam de Moion
Out avec li maint compaignon.
Wace does not even hint that the knights whose
names follow that of Mohun were in any way
dependent on him, and it is now practically certain
that the whole story is due to an unscrupulous Abbot
of Newenham who wished to gratify the vanity of
the Mohuns living in the middle of the fourteenth
• Rotuh Scaccarii Normannice (ed. * Leland's Collectanea, vol. i. p. 202.
Stapleton), vol. i. pp. Ixxxii, Ixxxiii.
CH.i. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 3
century. ^ As Mr. Planche remarks, this writer
might " have included half the army if an unmistake-
able full stop and change of subject had not pulled
him up short with the death of Robert Fitz Erneis.
.... Le Livre des Conquerors turns out to be the
Roman de Rou. " ^
Although William de Mohun is styled * le viel^
it does not follow that he was aged at the time of
the Norman Conquest, the epithet being applied to
distinguish him from his namesake who was living
when Wace wrote his poem.
Turning from fable to fact, we find that William
de Mohun was a person of considerable importance
in the reign of William the Conqueror, who assigned
to him a large estate in the west of England, formed
by the aggregation of lands that had belonged to
various Englishmen killed or ejected. At the time
of the Domesday Survey of 1086, he held fifty-six
separate manors in Somerset, eleven in Dorset, one
in Devon and one in Wiltshire. The greater number
of these had already been apportioned by him to
different tenants, to be held of him and his heirs on
the usual conditions of military service. Several of
these tenants had more than one manor apiece.
Most of them bore Norman names and were doubt-
less men who had come over in the train of the
Conqueror. In one case, an Englishman had been
suffered to continue in possession, although placed in
subjection to the new Norman lord. ^
Eighteen of the manors in Somerset and six of
those in Dorset remained in William de Mohun's
' Devon Notes and Queries, vol. iv. ^ " Brictric holds of William Sorde-
pp. 249-250. maneford. The same Brictric held it in
2 The Conqueror and his Companions, the time of King Edward. " Domesday
I vol. ii. p. 22. Book, f. 96.
4 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
own hands in 1086, but the number was gradually
reduced by the enfeoffment of fresh knights and by
grants to several religious houses. Some of the
manors most distant from Dunster were also exchanged
with the king, before the year i 1 00, for that of
Carhampton and the Hundred of the same name.
One effect of this was that the little Hundreds of
Cutcombe and Minehead, which are mentioned in the
Gheld Inquest of 1084, became ere long absorbed into
the Hundred of Carhampton. The castle built by
William de Mohun on the isolated Tor which gave
its name to Dunster, became the head of an important
Honour, or Barony, comprising forty knights' fees
in the reign of Henry the First, and afterwards
enlarged. The manors retained in demesne about
the middle of the twelfth century were those of
Dunster, Minehead, Cutcombe, Kilton and Car-
hampton in Somerset, and Ham in Dorset.
Reverting to Domesday, it is worthy of notice that
William de Mohun kept thirty-six brood mares at
Cutcombe and twenty-two at Brewham at the other
end of the county. He was Sheriff of Somerset at
the time of the Gheld Inquest of 1084 and at that
of the great survey of 1086. Indeed it is probable
that he held office for a considerable period, and that
he was sometimes known as ' William the Sheriff.' '
His estate at Stockland came to be called ' the
Sheriff's town, ' afterwards corrupted into ' Shereve-
ton' or 'Shurton,' and some of his land near Kilton is
still known as ' Shervidge. ' ^ On the other hand his
manor of Sheriff's Brompton (Brunetone Vicecomitis)
eventually lost that name and became Brompton
' Bruton Cartulary, no. 3. Wilts alike belonged to sheriffs in 1086.
* Shroton in Dorset and Shrewton in
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 5
Ralph, when held under the lord of Dunster by
Ralph son of William son of Durand de Mohun.
A translation of the charter of the first William de
Mohun to the monks of Bath will be given in a
subsequent chapter, and in this place it is only
necessary to observe that it mentions his wife Adelisa,
his sons Geoffrey and Robert and his brother Wilmund.
Durand the steward (dapifer) also mentioned in it
seems to have been known later as Durand de Mohun,
but it is impossible to say whether he was a relation
of the Norman lords of Dunster or merely a native
of Moyon who held under them.
William de Mohun the second was almost cer-
tainly a son of the Conqueror's companion in arms. ^
Whether he was the firstborn is more problematical
in view of the fact that he is not named, either as a
consenting party or as a witness, in the very important
charter by which his predecessor granted the church
of Dunster and other endowments to the monks of
Bath. The earliest notice of him is in the year 11 3 1,
when he attended the council of Northampton. ^
Seven years later, he is mentioned as one of the prin-
cipal nobles who espoused the cause of the Empress
Maud against Stephen, his castle of Dunster being
reckoned as one of the main strongholds of her
party. ^ In describing the events of 11 38, a hostile
chronicler writes as follows : —
" At that time, William de Moiun, a man not only of
the highest rank but also of illustrious lineage, raised a
mighty revolt against the King, and, collecting some bands
' A charter of William de Mohun, father and his father. D. C. M. xvi. 7.
which may be ascribed to the third of ^ Sarum Charters, (R. S.) p. 7.
that name, confirms the gifts made to ^ Henry of Hntitiugdoii, (R. S.) p. 261.
Ihe church of Dunster by his grand-
6 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
of horsemen and footmen at his fortress, which he had
placed in a fair and impregnable position by the sea-shore,
began to overrun all that part of England in warlike manner,
sweeping it as with a whirlwind. At all places and at all
times, laying aside his loyalty, he set himself to work his
cruel will, to subdue by violence not only his neighbours
but others living afar off, to oppress with robbery and
pillage, with fire and sword, any who resisted, and merci-
lessly to subject all wealthy persons whom he met to chains
and tortures. By so doing, he changed a realm of peace
and quiet, of joy and merriment, into a scene of strife and
rebellion, weeping and lamentation.
" When in course of time these doings were made known
to the king, he gathered his adherents together in a mighty
host and marched with all speed to put an end to WiUiam's
savagery. But when he came to a halt before the entrance
of the castle and saw the impregnable defences of the place,
inaccessible on the one side where it was washed by the
tide and very strongly fortified on the other by towers and
walls, by a rampart (vallo) and outworks, he gave up all
hope of carrying it by siege, and, taking wiser counsels,
blockaded the castle in full view of the enemy, so that he
might the better hold them in check and occupy the
neighbouring country in security. He also gave orders to
Henry de Tracy, a skilled soldier, oft approved in the
hazards of war, that acting in his stead, because he was called
away to other business, he should with all promptitude and
diligence bestir himself against the enemy.
" Henry therefore, in the King's absence, set forth from
Barnstaple, a town belonging to him and enjoying privileges
granted to him by the King, and made vigorous and deter-
mined attacks on his foes, so that he not only restrained their
wonted sallies and their unbridled, marauding raids in the
neighbourhood, but also captured a hundred and four
horsemen in one cavalry encounter. At length, he so
reduced and humbled William that he was able to abandon
further hostilities against him and to leave the country more
peaceful and free from such disturbance. " '
' Gesta Stephani, (R. S.) pp. 51, 52.
DUNSTER CASTLE,
FKOM THK RIVKR.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 7
Considering that the writer shows a minute know-
ledge of places in the west of England such as Bristol,
Bath and Exeter, it may seem strange that he should
describe Dunster Castle as situate on the coast.
There is, however, no doubt that the sea in that
neighbourhood has receded considerably since his
time, and it has been suggested as possible that the
low ground on the east was sometimes flooded.
Tracy's operations certainly did not reduce William
de Mohun to final subjection, and his royal mistress
set so high a value on his services to her that she
raised him to the rank of an earl between the months
of April and June 1 141. Under the name of ' Earl
William de Moion, ' he was a witness to a charter
issued by her at Westminster at Midsummer in that
year. ^ The anonymous chronicler already quoted is
in error both as to the date of the creation and as to
the title bestowed, for he says that at the siege of
Winchester, which was in August and September
1 141, the Empress created William de Mohun Earl
of Dorset. ^ There is no doubt that William de
Mohun styled himself ' Earl of Somerset. ' ^ In most
cases, he is described simply as ' the Earl. ' ^ The
chronicler's confusion as to the title is pardonable in
view of the fact that for administrative purposes
Somerset and Dorset were often reckoned as one
county, having a sheriff in common.
Some years before this, William de Mohun had
married a lady named Agnes, who seems to have
brought to him and his descendants the manor of
Whichford, situate in Warwickshire but formerly
Round's Geoffrey de MandeviUe, $2,^7; Valor Ecclesiasticus,\olA, p.iso.
PP- 93. 95. 96, 277. * Brutoii Cartulary, nos. 5, 54, 56,
^ Gcsla Sfcphani, p. 80. 66, 230, 231.
* Bruton Cartulary (S.R.S.), nos. i, 2,
8 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
belonging to Northamptonshire. Although the name
of her father is not stated, a suggestion may be
offered with some confidence that she was a daughter
of Walter of Gaunt, who, as a grandson of Baldwin
Count of Flanders, was first cousin to William the
Second and Henry the First, Kings of England and
Dukes of Normandy. Such a connexion might
account for the chronicler's allusion to the very high
social position of her husband. Certain it is that
Whichford belonged to Gilbert of Gaunt in 1086,
that his son Walter founded a priory of Augustinian
canons at Bridlington, in Yorkshire, and that William
de Mohun and Agnes his wife gave the church of
Whichford to that priory in the reign of Henry the
the First. ^ Without some such explanation, it would
be difficult to account for this benefaction to a
religious house situate so far from Dunster. The
grant, however, seems to have been limited to the
lifetimes of William and Agnes, for the advowson
afterwards reverted to the Mohuns and was enjoyed
by them and their descendants, the Stranges and the
Stanleys, until the reign of Elizabeth. '
The favour of the Earl of Somerset to the Augus-
tinian order was further shown by his establishment
of a priory at Bruton, in the eastern part of the
county of Somerset. The charters by which he
granted to the regular canons the church of that
place, with its tithes, dues, and rights, and common
pasture in his manor of Brewham, bear no date, but
may be referred to the year 1 142. ^ It was by his
advice that one of his feudal tenants, Robert son
of Geoffrey, bestowed upon them the church of
' Domesday Book, i. 227" ; Dugdale's shire, (ed. 1765) pp. 417, 418.
Monasticon vol. vi, pp. 285-287. '' Bruton Cartulary, nos. I, 2, 376 ;
^ Dugdale's Antiquities of Warwick- Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. vi. p. 335.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 9
Luxborough near Dunster, of which he increased the
endowment. ^
A grant of some land at Lydeard to the Augustinian
canons of Taunton by WilHam de Mohun may be
attributed either to the Earl of Somerset or his son. ^
The Earl of Somerset had by Agnes his wife six
sons : —
Ralph, for the benefit of whose soul he gave some
land at Avelham to the church of Dunster. "
William, his successor.
Henry, who seems to have inherited the maternal
estate at Whichford, as, in 1162, he paid scutage
for a knight's fee in Warwickshire. * A person
of the same name was connected with Hampshire
in 1 167.*
Ivan.*'
Richard, a clerk, beneficed on the paternal estate in
Normandy, but generally resident in England. '
Peter, also a clerk.^
William de Mohun the third was a witness to
his father's charter in favour of the Augustinian
canons of Bruton. " He seems to have succeeded
him in or before 1 1 55, as the Pipe Rolls, which then
begin to be continuous, do not record any payment by
him to the Crown by way of relief on the death of
his father. He did not style himself Earl of Somer-
set, King Stephen having presumably declined to
recognise that title as conferred by the Empress
Maud. In some of his earher charters, he is described
» Braton Cartulary, nos. 230, 232. " Bruton Cartulary, nos. i, 4, 66, 69,
- Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. vi. 71, 230, 430.
p. 166. ' ^h'd. nos. I. 64, 75, 230, 399, 400,
3 D. CM. XVI 7. 401 : Calendar of documents ill France
< Brnton Cartulary, nos. i, 75; Pipe (ed. Round), vol. i. p. 176.
Roll, 8 Hen. II, p. 2. * Brnton Cartulary, nos. i, 230.
5 Pipe Roll, 13 Hen. II, p. 189. ^ Ibid. no. i.
lo A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
as William de Mohun 'the younger {juvenis).' For
the benefit of the souls of his father WilHam, his
mother Agnes, and his brethren, he gave to the
Augustinian canons of Bruton, sixty acres near the
pond at Brewham and pannage for a hundred hogs
in Selwood Forest. ^ He furthermore endowed
them with the church of Cutcombe near Dunster,
the church of Lyons, in Normandy, with the tithe
of his fisheries there, and property at Brewham and
Redlinch. ^ He also confirmed the gifts of his
grandfather and father to the Benedictine monks of
Bath. '
In the time of the third William de Mohun, the
Honour of Dunster comprised forty-six and a half
fees held by different military tenants. It may fairly
be surmised that the number had been originally
fixed at forty and that one had been acquired by
marriage. Five and a half knights' fees are distinctly
stated to have been " of the new feoffment, " that is
to say creations of the period subsequent to the reign
of Henry the First, and when an aid was levied, in
1 1 68, on account of the marriage of the King's
daughter, William de Mohun refused to pay on more
than forty-one, persisting in this refusal until the end
of his life. ^ In Normandy too he had eleven knights
under him, although he was accountable to his royal
master for only five. ^
William de Mohun the third married a lady named
Godehold, who brought to him, as her inheritance or
portion, the manor of Brinkley, in Cambridgeshire ^
* Bruton Cartulary, no. 4. Hen. II. p. 3 ; 22 Hen. II. p. 155.
' /6/rf. nos. 66, 67, 69, 71, 75,221, 226, '" Red Book of the Exchequer (R. S.)
395, 397- P- 629.
» D.C.M. XVI. 7. « Curia Regis Roll, no. 48, m. 7".
* Pipe Rolls, 14 Hen. II. p. 143 ; 75
CH.i. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. n
He died in 1176, and she was apparently dead in
1 186. ^ They had issue several children : —
William, successor to his father.
Geoffrey, who was enfeoffed by his brother of the
manor of Ham, in Dorset. This he forfeited by
espousing the cause of John, Count of Mortain,
against his brother King Richard. "
John, ancestor of the Mohuns of Ham. ^
Thomas, who had the churches of Moyon and Tessy
sur-Vire, and perhaps other ecclesiastical benefices
in Normandy and England. *
Robert. '
Agnes, who married William of Windsor. She had
for her portion an estate at and near Bicknoller,
which her descendants for several generations held
of the Honour of Dunster by military service. ''
William de Mohun the fourth was, while a
boy, named as a witness to a charter of his father in
favour of the canons of Bruton. ^ Being still under
age at the death of his father in 1 176, he became a
ward of the King. Richard, Bishop of Winchester
was soon appointed to look after him and to admin-
ister his estates. The normal rent of the manors
was 44/. 3X. 4^. but part of Dunster is described as
'' waste ; " the tolls there did not yield the amount
expected ; and the mills of Dunster and Carhampton
alike showed a decline in revenue. There were also
some charges for the repair of the mill, the cultiva-
tion of the vineyard, and the wages of servants. On
1 Pipe Roll, 22 Hen. II. p. 155 ; Caleii- vol. i. p. lyS-
dar of documents in France [tA.'Roxmd], '' Ibid.p. 2S'^.
vol i p 780 ^ Pole MS. at Queen's College,
i Pipe Roils. Oxford, f. 64" ; Feet of Fines, Somer-
' See Appendix. set, 20 Hen. III. (Green, i. 85.)
* Cah-iidnr of documents in France, ' Bruton Cartulary, no. 397.
12 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
the other hand, the King got 1 9/. clear from the sale
of corn and wine from the lands in demesne which
were not reckoned in the rental. By royal order, a
sum of 18/. was allowed for the maintenance of the
heir for a year and a half. ^ His mother presumably
had dower at Minehead or Kilton, in addition to her
own property at Brinkley.
William de Mohun appears to have received
livery of his lands in 1 1 'j']^ as the Crown then
ceased to get the profits of them. There is, how-
ever, a very perplexing entry in the Pipe Roll of
1 182, where the Sheriff accounts for \is. \d. derived
" from the wreck of Dunestor." On the one hand it
suggests that the lord of that place was entitled to
wreck of sea on part of the southern coast of the
Bristol Channel ; on the other hand it shows that
receipts from that franchise were paid into the
Exchequer.
Following the example of his father, William de
Mohun the fourth described himself as 'the younger'
in his earliest charter to the canons of Bruton, but
afterwards dropped that designation.^ He confirmed
to them all the gifts of his grandfather, his father,
and his different tenants in England and Normandy,
and added to their endowments the church and the
mill of Minehead and the tithe of the mills of
Cutcombe. ^ He furthermore made over to them
all his right of ecclesiastical patronage at Brinkley,
Minehead and Todbere in England, and at Moyon,
Tessy-sur-Vire, Beaucoudrai and Deodville in Nor-
mandy, subject to the life interest of his brother
Thomas. "* Finally he gave them the right of choosing
' Pipe Roll, 25 Hen. II. p. 25. * Calendar of documents in France,
* Bruton Cartnhiry, no. 5. vol. i, p. 178.
* Ibid. nos. 223, 224, 240, 245.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 13
a prior from among themselves, upon condition that
they should present the person so chosen to him or
his heirs, whether in England or in Normandy \
This condition was faithfully observed for generation
after generation, and when the main line of the
Mohuns became extinct, the canons continued the
practice, by presenting their priors elect to the Lut-
trells of Dunster, as successors in title, though not in
blood, to the older lords of that place. - In the
middle of the fourteenth century, there was a very
ancient custom that whenever the lord or lady of
Dunster went to stay at Bruton Priory, the canons
should provide two wax candles to burn all night in
the bedroom. ^
By a charter pubhshed at Montchaton in 1186,
William de Mohun granted the tithe of his mills
at Moyon, Tessy-sur-Vire and Beaucoudrai to the
Premonstratensian canons of La Luzerne, on condi-
tion that they should keep his anniversary, and that
one of their number, in perpetual succession, should
be specially bound to offer prayers for the soul of his
mother Godeheut. *
In arranging that his anniversary should be kept at
Bruton Priory year after year, William de Mohun
mentioned his purpose of going on pilgrimage to
Jerusalem, and it is quite possible that he died
abroad. ^ The date of his death may be placed in
October 1193, but several months elapsed before
William de Ste. Mere Eglise took possession of the
Honour of Dunster in the King's name, the heir
> BiufonCartulary,no. 7 iPatentRoW, * St. George's extracts from the
20 Edvv. Ill, pt. 2, m. 24. Mohun Chronicle.
- D.C.M. XXXVII. 2, 3. 5, 8 13, 14, 18, * Calendar of documents in France,
25. Hist. MSB. Comm. Tenth Report, vol. i. p. 282. Cf. Add. Charter 13414.
App. VI. p. 78. ' Bruton Cartulary, no. 245.
14 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
being a minor. ^ The Honour of Moyon in Nor-
mandy was about the same time committed to the
charge of Richard de Humez. "^ The dower of Lucy
de Mohun, WiUiam's rehct, included only seven of
his English fees, approximately a sixth of the whole
number. ^ She eventually obtained from the Crown
a lease of his paternal estate at Moyon in Normandy
for a yearly rent of 50/. and a fine of 20/. *
William de Mohun the fourth and Lucy his wife
had issue two sons, William and Reynold. The
former is named as a witness to three of his father's
charters at a time when he was clearly under age ^
It is, however, impossible to say whether he survived
his father. For some ten years, the Honour of
Dunster remained in the hands of the King and was
administered by his agents William de Ste. Mere
Eglise, William of Wrotham, Nicholas Puinz,
Reynold of Clifton, Hugh de Gurnai and Hubert de
Burgh. The income was mainly from Dunster and
Carhampton, and the outgoings were very small.
At the Castle itself a doorkeeper and a watchman
were maintained by royal order, but the accounts say
nothing about the wardship of the heir. A clerk
named Richard who had a pension of the gift of
William de Mohun, may have been the last surviving
son of the Earl of Somerset. ®
There was some trouble at Dunster, perhaps poli-
tical, between the death of Richard the First, and
the coronation of his brother. '
' Rotuli Scaccarii Normannice, (ed. * Rotuli Scaccarii Normannice,vo].ii.
Stapleton) vol. ii. p. x ; Pipe Roll. p. 296.
* Rotuli Scaccatii Normannice, vol. i. * Bruton Cartulary, nos. 6, 7, 73.
p. 244. * Pipe Rolls, 6-10 Ric. I. and 1-7
^ Rotulus Cancellarii, 5 Johannis, John; Rotiilus CanccUarii, ^Johannis,
pp. 143, 209; Rotuli de Oblatis &c, pp. 198, 205-211.
p. 135. <■ Rotuli Curia: Regis, vol. ii. p. 12 r.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 15
When King John was at Le Mans in January 1 203,
he gave orders to the seneschal of Normandy to
dehver to Hubert de Burgh, the Chamberlain, all
the land of Reynold de Mohun in that duchy, except
some that had been committed to another person \
At the beginning of May, when he was at Falaise,
we read : —
" Hubert de Burgh, the Chamberlain, was commanded
by letters patent to warn and induce Reynold de Moyhun
to accept from the King an exchange in England for his
land at Lyons near Caen, and for this cause to send him to
the King, or else his letters patent. " *
In other words, a young man, legally under age,
was to be compelled by his guardian to execute a deed
surrendering part of his patrimony, unless he preferred
to undertake a journey across the sea on the chance
of obtaining tolerable terms from the King. The
rolls of the period do not contain any further refer-
ence to the subject.
Reynold de Mohun obtained possession of Dunster
Castle and the chief part of his inheritance in July
1204.^ Whichford, in Warwickshire, was made over
to him some two months later, and he established his
right to Brinkley, in Cambridgeshire, as the heir of
Godehold de Mohun, who had owned the manor in
fee. * He seems to have taken a prominent part
in the invasion of France in the summer of 1206, as
the sheriff of Devon was then ordered to provide
him with a ship at the King's expense. ^ Four years
later, he was one of the knights who accompanied
John in his expedition to Ireland. ^
' Rotuli Normannict, p. 68. Curia Regis Rolls.nos. 47, m.3 ; 48, mjd.
- Rotuli Lift. Patentinm, vol. i. p. 29. ■' Rotuli Litt. Clausarnm, vol. i.
■' Ibid. p. 44. PP- 71, 72-
* Rotttli Litt. Clausarnm, vo\.\. p. ()\ ^ RotuUde Liberate, pp. 181,20^,216.
i6 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
To the canons of Bruton, Reynold de Mohun
confirmed all the gifts of his ancestors, by two charters
apparently issued on the same day, the one dealing
with property in England and Normandy alike, and
the other dealing exclusively with property in
England. ^ On the separation of Normandy from
England, he had to make his choice between King
Philip and King John, and, as his chief estates lay in
England, he declared in favour of the latter. The
original possessions of his ancestors were consequently
escheated to the French Crown. ' There is some
difficulty in tracing their subsequent history, but it
appears that some of them were eventually recovered
by a younger branch of the Mohun family.
Although Alan de Avalgor is described as ' lord of
Moyon ' in 1254, an estate at Maisons which had
belonged to the Mohuns of Dunster was, at a later
date, in the possession of Joan de la Pommeraie,
daughter of Henry de Moyon. ^ A deed of 1290
shows that this lady was the relict of Gislain de la
Pommeraie, and a niece of William de Courcy, and
that she had had a brother named Henry de Moyon *.
A certain William de Moyon also occurs in 1266, in
connexion with Friardel. " Some ruins of a castle
may still be seen at Moyon, where it is now known
as Le vieux chateau d Ha'mneville^ situate on high
ground and protected by a broad, deep moat, full of
water. It is believed to have once had a central keep
and a double line of walls.
6
1 Bruton Cartulary, no. 58 ; Patent * Danisy, Archives duCalvados,vo\.\.
Rolls, 20 Edw. Ill, p. 2, m. 24 ; p. 31.
36 Edw. Ill, p. 2, m. 22. ^ Ibid. p. 406.
^ Rotuli Scaccarii NormaJinice,vol.ii. •* Information kindly obtained, in
p. X. 1904, by M, Jnles Lair, Membre de
^ Bruton Cartulary, nos. 424, 433, L'Institut, from the Archivist of La
434. Manche.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 17
Reynold de Mohun married Alice, one of the
daughters of Sir William Briwere, a man of great
consequence in his day. ^ By her he seems to have
had issue four sons : —
Reynold, successor to his father.
William, a benefactor to Cleeve Abbey and the
prime mover in the foundation of Newenham
Abbey. ^ He married Juliana de Vernon. ^ Dying
at Norton, in Cornwall, in 1265, he was buried
before the high altar at Newenham, near his elder
brother. *
Baldwin, a priest. He was rector of Brinkley, in
Cambridgeshire in 1261. ^ Some five years later,
he was presented by the Abbot of Newenham to
the living of Luppit, in Devon, which he vacated
in 1267. ®
Richard. ^
Reynold de Mohun of Dunster died in 1 2 1 3, when
he was barely thirty years of age. Alice his relict mar-
ried secondly William Paynel of Bampton, in Devon,
a Crusader, who died in 1228.^ Some five years later,
she succeeded to a considerable estate in the west of
England, on the death of her brother, WiUiam Briwere
the younger. ^ Through her the Mohuns inherited
the manors of Torre, Ugborough, Cadleigh, Brad-
worthy and Axminster, in Devon, and He Brewer,
in Somerset, and various knights' fees elsewhere.
' Oliver's Monashcon Dioecesis Exon. « Newenham Register f. 43; Brones-
pp. 190, 362 ; Dictionary of National combe's Register, f. 36".
Biograf>hv, vol. vi. p. 299. ^ Oliver's Monasticon Dioecesis Exou.
* Dugdale'sMonashcon,vol. V. p. 733. p. 39-
3 Calendar of Inquisitions,Henry III. * Excerpta e Rotulis Finium, vol. 1.
p. 188 ; Excerpta e Rotulis Finium, pp. 167, 173 ; Close Rolls, 1227-12?!,
vol. ii. p. 327. PP- 24, 64.
* Oliver, p. 363. ' Excerpta, p. 242 ; Close Rolls, 1231-
* Feet of Fines, Cambridge, 45 1234, pp. 22^,229, sii;TestadeNevill,
Hen. III. P- 200.
D
1 8 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
Reynold de Mohun the second was of course a
minor at the time of his father's death, and Dunster
passed into the hands of the Crown for the third
time within thirty-eight years. In June 121 3, King
John committed to Henry Fitz-Count, bastard son
of the Earl of Cornwall, the wardship of the heirs of
Reynold de Mohun, with the castle of Dunster and
various lands, saving to Alice the widow her marriage
portion and dower at Whichford and elsewhere ^
In 1220, however, the ministers of Henr)^ the Third
transferred the *' forest of Dunster, " whatever that
may be, to Peter de Maulay, to be safely kept by
him during pleasure. * Furthermore, on the death
of Henry Fitz-Count in 1222, a different arrange-
ment was made, for while William Briwere was
given the wardship of the demesne of Carhampton,
the knights' fees, and the person of his grandson, the
castle and the borough of Dunster were expressly
reserved to the Crown. ^ Other manors belonging
to the inheritance must have been in the hands of
a widow, Alice de Mohun or Lucy de Mohun.
During the next few months, money was frequently
issued to two crossbowmen named Vilers, who were
placed in Dunster Castle by royal order. *
Reynold de Mohun received livery of his lands in
or before 1227, when he levied an aid on his knights
and free tenants, on the occasion of his being made a
knight, ^ He accompanied the King on his military
expeditions into France in 1230 and into Wales in
the following year. ^ He was, however, more
remarkable in peace than in war. In 1234, at a
* Rotuli Litt. Clausarum, vol. i. * Rottili Litt. Clausarum, vol. i.
pp. 137, 242. pp. 492, 503. 508, 512, 524, 535.
* Ibid. p. 418. * Patent Rolls, 1225-12^2, p. 107.
* /fcu/.pp. 518,605 ; Excerpta e Rotu- ^ Ibid. pp. 311, 358; Close Rolls,
lis Finiiim, vol. i. p. 79. 122J-123J, p. 550.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 19
time when he was for some reason in debt to the
Jews, he was appointed one of the Justices of the
Bench, that is to say of the Court of Common Pleas. ^
Nine years later, he was constituted Chief Justice of
the forests south of Trent. - In i 242, he went again
to Wales. ^ In 1252, he was appointed keeper of
all the royal forests south of Trent, with a salary of
a hundred marks for his maintenance, and it was
doubtless in connexion with his new duties that he
took a lease of Sauvey Castle in Leicestershire at a
rent of five marks. *
Reynold de Mohun had many residences of his
own in addition to Dunster Castle. In 1 233, he had a
house at Streatley, in Berkshire, which had come to
him through his first wife. ' In i 252, he entered into
an elaborate agreement with the Abbot and Convent
of Torre, in Devonshire, concerning a private chapel
which he proposed to build at his court-house there,
for the exclusive use of himself and his family, his
guests, and his domestic servants. The monks were
careful to stipulate that the rite of baptism should
not be administered therein and that half of the
offerings made there should be handed over to them. ^
Under the corrupted form of ' Tormoham, ' the old
parish of Torre still preserves the memory of the
Mohuns who dwelt there, but no remains of their
court-house are to be found among the modern villas
of Torquay. In 1253, Reynold de Mohun obtained
for himself and his heirs a grant of free warren at
Dunster, at Whichford, in Warwickshire, and at
Ottery, in Devon, with Ucence to hunt the hare,
1 Close Rolls, 12 31-1234, pp. 346, ' ibid. 1 247-1258, pp. 155, 162 ;
565, 570. Matthew of Paris, Chronica Major a,
» 'calendar of Patent Rolls, 1232-1247, vol. v. p. 340.
p. 279. ' Close Rolls, 1231-1234, p. 226.
» /fc/d. p. 464. * Dugdale'sMo«flsrtcoM,volvii.p.926.
20 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
the fox, the cat and the badger in Somerset and one
other county. ^
The charters of Reynold de Mohun the second to
the men of Dunster will be noticed in another chap-
ter. It remains to say something about his bene-
factions to different religious bodies. His ancestors
had done much for the church. Irrespectively of
minor donations, the Mohuns had established Bene-
dictine monks at Dunster and Augustinian canons
at Bruton, and his grandfather, William Briwere,
had founded no less than four separate houses, a
Premonstratensian abbey at Torre, a Cistercian abbey
at Dunkeswell, an Augustinian priory at Mottisfont,
and a hospital at Bridgewater. Reynold de Mohun's
benefactions were also diverse. To the monks of
Dunster he gave 50 marks, and, apparently, two acres
at Caremore near the sea. ^ That he was a warm
friend to the Augustinian canons of Bruton is clear
from his attestation of several grants to them and
from the part which he took in the establishment of
the vicarage of Minehead. He also renounced in
their favour all his rights, as patron, during intervals
when the ofHce of prior might be vacant. ^ To
another house of the same order at Barlinch in
Somerset, on the borders of Devonshire, he gave land
at Mariansleigh, and the advowson of the church.* To
the Cistercian monks of Cleeve near Dunster he gave
some land at Slaworthi, or Slowley, near Luxborough,
to be held by service of an eighth part of a knight's
fee. ^ He is, however, to be remembered chiefly as
the founder of Newenham Abbey in Devonshire.
' Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. i. 241, 243.
p. 431. Part of the enrolment has * Dugda\e'sMoiiasticon,vo\.v\.p.386.
long been illegible. D.C.M. viii. 3. = Ibid. vol. v. p. 733 ; Bruton Cartu-
- Two Chartidaries of Bath. L." 901. lary, no. 234 ; British Museum, Add.
* Bruton Cartulary, nos. 8, 237-239, MS. 11 161.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 21
The idea of establishing a new Cistercian house in
the west of England originated with Sir William de
Mohun, who offered to transfer some of his lands to his
elder brother if the latter would provide a suitable
site. Sir Reynold de Mohun entered readily into
the scheme and gave him the choice of three manors,
Minehead, Ottery Fleming, and Axminster. After
an inspection of them by the Abbot of Beaulieu,
Axminster was selected, and, in September 1245, Sir
Reynold assigned that manor to his brother, upon
condition that the foundation of an Abbey therein
should be sanctioned by the King and by the Cister-
cian Order within eighteen months. He further-
more undertook to contribute a hundred marks a
year to the proposed building. By the intercession
of John Godard, one of the monks of Beaulieu,
seconded by Richard, Earl of Cornwall, the king's
approval was obtained in July 1 246. ^ Sir Reynold
de Mohun then issued a formal charter of foundation,
which was in due course confirmed by royal author-
ity. ^ At the end of December in that year, John
Godard was elected Abbot, and twelve monks of
Beaulieu and four lay brethren were chosen to accom-
pany him to Devonshire. This little band arrived
at the site of the new colony on the feast of the
Epiphany, chanting Salve Regina, in the presence of
the founder, his brother, and a great concourse of
people. ^
In 1248, the Pope took the new settlement, the
monastery of Newenham {c/e novo manso), under his
protection and conferred upon it many privileges.
' Newenham Chartulary,ff. 1 8b-24b; » Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. i.
Davidson's History of Neweiihatn Abbey, p. 326.
pp. 3-7, 225-227 ; Pole MS. at Queen's ^ Chartulary, as above.
College, Oxford, f. 14.
22 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
At subsequent dates, Sir Reynold de Mohun granted
to the Cistercian monks the church of Luppit in
Devonshire and sixty marks towards the purchase of
land at Shapwick for the benefit of the soul of his
mother Alice. He is also stated to have bequeathed
to them by his will a sum of seven hundred marks \
There was a great ceremony at Newenham on the
13th of September 1254, when the Abbot and monks
went in solemn procession from their temporary chapel
to the site of their future church, chanting psalms
suitable to the occasion, followed by an antiphon.
There Sir Reynold de Mohun laid the corner-stone
of the superstructure and two other stones, all marked
with the cross, while the clergy sang the Te Deum
and Salve Regina. Stones were also laid by Sir William
de Mohun and Sir Wymond de Raleigh. After this,
the Abbot, with the deacon and sub-deacon, vested
for mass, and the rest of the community knelt before
their founder and besought him to adopt the new
church as the place for his burial. He replied that
this was his intention, and, by a document dated at
Dunster in the following year, he directed that, unless
he should die in the Holy Land, his corpse should
be conveyed to Newenham and there honourably
buried before the high altar. ^
In connexion with the establishment of Newenham
Abbey there is the following extraordinary story : —
" When Sir Reynold saw this done, he went to the
court of Rome, which was then at Lyons, for confirmation
and ratification of his new abbey, to his great honour for
ever ; and he was at the court on the Sunday in Lent when
they sing the office of the Mass Lastare Jerusalem^ on which
day the custom of the court is that the Pope (lapoistoille)
' Davidson pp. 2, 10,21-24 ; Oliver's ' Davidson pp. 33-35; Rowe's Cister-
Monasticon Dioccesis E.xoii. p. 362. cian Houses of Devon, pp. 140, 141.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 23
gives to the most valiant and honourable man who can be
found at the said court a rose or little flower of fine gold.
They therefore searched the whole court and found this
Reynold to be most worthy of the whole court, and to him
Pope Innocent gave this rose or little flower of gold, and
the Pope (papa) asked him what manner of man he was in
his own country. He answered ' a plain knight bachelor. '
' Fair son ' said the Pope, * this rose or little flower has never
* been given save to kings, or to dukes, or to earls; therefore
' we will that you be Earl of Est, ' — that is Somerset.
Reynold answered and said * O holy father, I have not
* wherewithal to maintain the name.' The Pope therefore
gave him two hundred marks a year to be received at the
altar of St. Pauls's in London out of his (Peter's) Pence of
England, to maintain his honour ; of which grant he brought
back with him bulls which still have the lead, etc. together
with ten other bulls of confirmation of his new abbey of
Newham. After this day, he bore the rose or little flower
in his arms. " ^
Reynold de Mohun the second has accordingly
been recognised as Earl of Somerset in numerous
peerages and pedigrees, and ingenious heralds have
offered observations and explanations. Thus, Milles
says that he was created Earl of Somerset " by gift
of the Pope, who in King John's time might doe
what hee Ust in England, " while Camden asserts that
he " was deprived of that honour in the Barons'
War. " ^ These writers cannot have realised that
Reynold de Mohun did not come of age until some
years after the death of King John, and that he
died before the outbreak of the Barons' War. The
subject in fact requires more careful examination
than it has yet received.
Camden, who was evidently acquainted with the
narrative given above,, and Fuller, who prints it in
' Fuller's C/j7frc/;///sforr,hookiii.§ 5. - WiWe^'?, Catalogue of Honour, ^^.2,9^;
no. 26. Camden's Britannia, Somerset.
24 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
the original language, concur in stating that it was
to be found in a book or manuscript in French
belonging to the family of Mohun. Gerard says
more explicitly that it was derived from " an ancient
manuscript book still remayninge with Sir Reginald
Mohun, " and dedicated to Lady Joan Mohun by
John Osberne, her clerk. ^ This was unquestionably
the volume from which so many erroneous statements
about the Mohun family have been quoted in the
last four centuries. John Osberne, however, must
not be regarded as the author of the story. His
own " book or treatise, " composed in 1350, was in
Latin of a sort, and it appears to have been merely
a supplement to a larger work in French dedicated
to his mistress by Walter de la Houe, Abbot of
Newenham. The opening words of the narrative
given above show it to be an extract.
In considering the credibility of the story, it is
necessary to observe in the first place that Pope
Innocent the Fourth was at Lyons from November
1244 to April 1 25 1, and that the papal Regesta now
preserved at the Vatican do not contain copies of
all bulls issued. The papal practice of giving, or
sending, a golden rose as a mark of high approval is
also well known. On the other hand, the flower on
the Mohun shield was not a rose, but a fleur-de-lys,
and it was almost certainly there before the foundation
of Newenham Abbey. ^ If it is difficult to see the
connexion between a rose and a fleur-de-lys, it is no
less difficult to see the connexion between Est and
Somerset. There is, however, no reason to suppose
that the whole story was a deliberate fabrication.
The far-fetched identification of Est with Somerset,
' Description of Somerset (S. R. S.), * See Appendix,
pp. 18,20.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 25
and that of the golden rose with the little flower
on the Mohun shield may fairly be regarded as
explanatory notes inserted by the Abbot. The Pope
may possibly have bestowed the golden rose on Rey-
nold de Mohun, a man of distinction in England and
a zealous churchman, and may have created him a
Count Palatine, with the words " Comes esto. "
The idea that Innocent the Fourth affected to
bestow any territorial title upon Reynold de Mohun
must be altogether dismissed. The latter never
claimed to be Earl of Somerset, and was never so
described by his contemporaries. Special attention
may be called to a charter issued by him under the
name of ' Reynold de Moun, knight, lord of Dun-
sterre, ' in 1255, some years after the departure of
Innocent the Fourth from Lyons, and to the official
registers of Newenham Abbey, in which, if anywhere,
a higher title borne by the founder would certainly
have been mentioned. ^
There is indeed one document which, if authentic,
would point to a different conclusion, and which,
consequently, cannot be passed over in silence. In
the early part of the reign of Edward the Third, the
Abbot and Convent of Newenham got into Htigation
about some of their property, and, as a precautionary
measure, they, in 1330, obtained royal confirmation
of the charter of foundation by Reynold de Mohun
and of various gifts by other benefactors. ^ This,
however, did not prove sufficient for their purpose,
and, in i 340, they sent up another charter purporting
to have been issued by ' Reynold de Moun, Earl of
Somerset and lord of Dunsterre. ' The clerks of
' Rowe's Cistercian Houses of Devon, ^ Davidson, pp. 22g-23i ; Calendar of
pp. 140,141 ; Oliver's MonasUcon Dice- Patent Rolls, 1327-1330, p. 508.
cesis Exon. pp. 362,363.
26 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
the Chancery duly affixed the great seal of England
to a confirmation of it, on receipt of the usual fees,
but they seem to have had some suspicion of it, for,
in the preamble of the letters patent they described
the grantor as ' sometime Earl, and lord of Dunsterre,'
omitting the reference to a specific territorial earldom.
The charter thus confirmed is obviously based to
some extent upon the authentic charter of foundation,
and follows it in alluding to the Abbey as not yet
established, but the form of it is different and it
defines the franchises of Axminster in a manner
characteristic of the fourteenth century rather than
the thirteenth. Among other things, it professes to
grant exemption from the sherifFs tourn, a matter
on which the monks had been challenged as far back
as the reign of Edward the First, when they had
failed to produce anything more specific than the
authentic charter of foundation. Lastly, it should
be observed that the names of two of the alleged
witnesses are clearly inconsistent with the date ascribed
to the charter. Richard le Blond, Bishop of Exeter,
appears in it as ' W. Bishop of Exeter, ' and the
Christian name of the Earl of Oxford is given as
' W ' instead of Hugh. ^
When this document had served its purpose, it
seems to have been prudently destroyed, and it was
not even entered in either of the official chartularies
of the Abbey. ^ The same may be observed with
regard to a palpable forgery purporting to be a
charter of Henry the Third, of which the monks of
• Patent Roll, 14 Edw. HI. pt. i. m. transcript of 1624 in the British Mu-
T,y,Placila de Quo Warranto, p. 165; seum. While Davidson's version agrees
Newenham Chartulary, f. 42. fairly with the Patent Roll, Oliver
- The royal confirmation is printed has, without a word of explanation or
by Davidson (pp. 233-235) and by Oliver apology, improved the names of two
(pp. 361, 362), in both cases from a of the witnesses (pp. 366, 367).
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 27
Newenham obtained royal confirmation in 1393.^
Sir Reynold de Mohun died on the 20th of Janu-
ary 1257-8. One of the Cistercians of Newenham,
possibly the Abbot, Walter de la Houe, has left the
following account of his last days : —
" In the year of our Lord 1257, on the 13th Calends of
February, Sunday the feast of Saints Fabian and Sebastian,
Sir Reynold de Mohun, lord of Dunster and founder of
Newenham Abbey, went the way of all flesh at Torre in
Devonshire, and this was the manner of his end. When
the aforesaid Sir Reynold was seized with severe illness at
Torre, he sent and summoned a Friar Minor named Henry,
a learned man who was at that time ruling a school of theo-
logy at Oxford. "
" The aforesaid Friar came to him at Torre on the
Wednesday before the death of the aforesaid Reynold, and
heard his confession, and, as it seemed to him, he confessed
his sins truly, contritely, devoutly and fully. After this,
at daybreak on the following Friday, the said Friar Henry
came to Reynold where he lay, and Sir Reynold said to
him : — ' I have seen a vision this night in a dream. I im-
' agined myself to be in the Abbey Church of the White
' Monks and, when leaving it, 1 met a venerable person clad
' as a pilgrim, and he said : — ' Reynold, it is left to your
' choice either to come with me now in safety, and without
' peril, or to wait here until the week before Easter next,
' in danger, ' I replied : — ' My Lord, I will not wait, but will
' follow thee forthwith, ' and, indeed, 1 was fain to follow
' him. He said : — ' Thou shalt not follow me now as thou
* desirest, but thou shalt come to me in safety on the third
* day. ' And he added: — ' This was the dream that 1 saw.
" The aforesaid friar, after many words of consolation,
returned to his bed, lay down there, and slept a while, and
it seemed to him in his dream that he was in the aforesaid
church of the Cistercian order, and he beheld a venerable
man, clad in a stately white robe, leading a boy fairer than
' Patent Roll, 17 Ric. U. part i. m. 18. Dr. Oliver prints the confirmation
without a suspicion of the character of the charter inspected.
28 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
the sun and in a garment brighter than the clearest crystal,
from the font to the altar, like a child newly baptized. To
him he said : — * Good Lord, whose is this child ? ' And the
man answered : — ' This is the soul of the venerable ' Sir Rey-
nold de Mohun. ' And when he woke, the aforesaid friar
understood that his dream was a token in corroboration of
the dream of Sir Reynold and had the like meaning. "
" The third day having now arrived. Sir Reynold said
to the aforesaid friar Henry : — ' Repeat to me Prime and
Tierce, for my hour is very near at hand. ' Now it was his
wont to hear the whole divine service daily, and the friar
consented. The said Sir Reynold said : — ' For God's sake,
* speak quickly, for my hour is at hand. ' This done, the
aforesaid friar went to the church to celebrate mass. The
introit of the mass was Circumdederiint ine^ etc. as for one
deceased, and all things were in like form. Mass being-
ended, the aforesaid friar returned in his sacred vestments
carrying the Body of the Lord, in order to strengthen the
said Sir Reynold by the receiving of the Body and Blood
of the Lord. On his entering the chamber, the aforesaid
Reynold wished to rise from his bed, but he could not, by
reason of his exceeding weakness. About ten persons were
standing around, and to them he said : — ' Alas ! Why do
' ye not suffer me to rise to meet my Saviour and Redeem-
' er .'' ' These were his last words. Henry then gave him the
Communion and afterwards anointed him. Then the afore-
said friar, with the other priests and clerks there present, be-
gan the Commendation. After this, as Sir Reynold was still
alive, they began to say the Commendation again, and when
they had recited the words : — ' All ye saints, pray for him, '
he fell asleep in the Lord, without a groan or any apparent
pain, with his body laid out and straightened, and his mouth
and eyes closed, without help of anyone such as is wont to
be given to men after they have breathed their last. "
The corpse w^as in due course removed from Torre
to New^enham Abbey and there buried beside the
high altar. The writer of the foregoing narrative,
who does not profess to be a contemporary, adds : —
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 29
" When the pavement of the presbytery was laid, his
body was found in his sarcophagus, whole and in no wise
injured, and it remains to this day incorrupt, exhaling a
most fragrant odour. This very body I have seen and
touched, and for three days it lay open to public view in
the year of our Lord 1333. " ^
Sir Reynold de Mohun married two wives, the
first of whom was unquestionably named Hawis.
Several of his benefactions already noticed were
made for the benefit of her soul. As far back as
the year 1350, John Osberne, the untrustworthy
chronicler of the Mohun family, described her as a
sister of William Mandeville, Earl of Essex. ^ Dugdale,
perceiving perhaps that this nobleman was contemp-
orary with Sir Reynold's father, makes her a sister
of Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Essex, although he
professes to get his information from the very book
which calls Humphrey her cousin. ^ Others have
chosen to describe her a daughter of John Fitz
Geoffrey. * On the other hand, two quarterly shields
of the later Mohuns give the arms of Fleming
immediately after those of Briwere, thus suggesting
that a Mohun married a Fleming heiress in the
thirteenth century. ^ Such evidence is not of much
intrinsic value, but it acquires force when found to be
consistent with definite facts. Sir William Pole has
preserved copies of two deeds by which William son
of William Fleming conveyed to Reynold de Mohun
the manors of Ottery and Stoke, and a third deed by
which Geoffrey de Mandeville, the overlord, ap-
1 Newenham Chartulary, ff. 26 b, 27. Mohun Chronicle.
There are independent translations in ^ Baronage of England, vol. i. p. 497.
Davidson's Newenham Abbey (pp. 211- ■• Harl. MS. 807, f. 73; The Visitation
214) and Oliver's Ecclesiastical Antiqui- of Cornwall, 1620.
ties in Devon (vol. i. pp. 206-208). * The Visitation of Devon, 1620 ;
* St. George's extracts from the Monument in Lanteglos Church.
30 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
proved William Fleming's grants to Reynold de
Mohun of the manors of Stoke, Ottery, Olditch and
Pinford. ^ Although the original conveyances are not
extant, it further appears that the manors of Luppit
and Farway, also in Devonshire, passed from the
Flemings to the Mohuns. ^ In support of his own
story, John Osberne states that William de Mande-
ville. Earl of Essex, granted the manors of Streatley,
in Berkshire, to Reynold de Mohun, to be held by
him by service of a quarter of a fee. ^ If Reynold
married before the Earl's death in 1227, this is
likely enough. He certainly had a house at Streatley
in 1233, and there is no reason to suppose that he
bought this property in a distant county. * The nature
of the transaction becomes clearer when we find that
the Earls of Essex were merely the overlords of
Streatley, and that William Fleming held three
quarters of a fee there in the middle of the thirteenth
century. " Lastly, attention may be drawn to the
fact that, in 1283, one of the buildings at Dunster
Castle was known as the ' Fleming Tower, ' doubtless
that which was afterwards called ' Dame Hawis's
Tower.' ^ In defiance therefore of the older genealog-
ists, we may fairly hold that Sir Reynold de Mohun
married firstly Hawis daughter and heiress of
William Fleming. By her he had at least four
children : —
John, who predeceased him. Little is known about
him except that he died in Gascony between 1252
and I 254. His body was brought back to England
and buried at Bruton Priory, while his heart was
' MS. at Queen's College, Oxford, Mohun Chronicle,
ff. 13, iS"*, 21. ■• Close Rolls, 12^^1-1234, P- 226.
^ Testa de Ncvill, p. 178 ; Feudal ^ Feudal Aids, vol. i. p. 65 ; Testa de
Aids, vol i. p. 330. Nerill, pp. ill, 125.
^ St. George's extracts from the " See Chapter xi.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 31
buried at Newenham Abbey before the high
altar. ^ In 1254, Reynold de Mohun entered into
an elaborate agreement with the Prior and Convent
of Bath as to certain masses that were to be said
for the benefit of the soul of his eldest son John,
then deceased, of his own soul and of the souls of
his wives, his ancestors and his successors. The
monks thereby undertook that mass should be
celebrated daily to the end of time by one of their
own number attached to the Priory of Dunster, or
by a respectable secular chaplain, " in the upper
chapel " of Dunster Castle dedicated to St. Stephen,
unless prevented by war, by ecclesiastical interdict,
or by order of the castellan, in any of which
events it was to be celebrated in the chapel of
St. Lawrence belonging to the Priory below
{inferius). To ensure due performance of this,
they gave Reynold de Mohun right of distraint
upon their land at Alcombe. He on his side
granted to them fifty marks for the purchase of
rents and undertook that the necessary books,
vestments, lights and ornaments should be provided
by himself and his heirs, owners of the Castle.
Although the Prior's deed is dated at Ottery,
in Devonshire, the witnesses came from the neigh-
bourhood of Dunster. ^
John de Mohun had married Joan daughter of
William de Ferrers, Earl of Derby, a younger
sister of his stepmother, and by her he left issue: —
John, his heir.
Robert. '
» 0]x\&v'^ Monasticon DioccesisExon. vol. i. Y>^.202,2\i;Calendar of Patent
pp. 362. 363. Rolls, 12^2-1281, p. 189. An elder
- b C M XVI I. A copy on paper, brother Reynold is also mentioned,
endorsed " For the Castell Masse. " perhaps in error. Curia Regis Roll, no.
* Palgrave's Parliamentary Writs, i6o, m. 34".
32 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
John de Mohun seems to have been a tenant in
chief in right of his wife. After his death, the
King granted her marriage to Peter de Chauvent.
The widow, however, chose to marry Robert
Aguylon and he had to pay a forfeit of 200 marks
to the grantee. ^
AUce, married, while a mere child, to William de
Clinton, the younger, who settled on her land to
the considerable value of 40/. a year. ^ She after-
wards married Robert de Beauchamp the younger
of Hatch, in Somerset. To them her father. Sir
Reynold, conveyed an estate known as ' the Soke
of Mohun, ' with appurtenances, liberties and ad-
vowsons in the City of London and without, between
Fleet Bridge and Charing Cross. ^ This they, ere
long, alienated to the Abbot and Convent of West-
minster. *
Juliana, married to William de Lisle. To them her
father gave an estate at Walton in Northamptonshire
which was part of the Briwere inheritance. ^
Lucy, married to John de Grey of Codnor. ^
Sir Reynold de Mohun's second wife was Isabel
relict of Sir Gilbert Basset, and daughter of William
de Ferrers, Earl of Derby, With her he received in
frank marriage ten hides of land at Mildenhall, in
Wiltshire, and afterwards a share of the great inher-
itance of her maternal uncles the Marshals, successive
Earls of Pembroke. She died in 1 260. ^ By her he
had issue : —
' Calendar of Patent RoUs,i 24^-1 2 ^8, " St. George's extracts from the
p. 495; Curia Regis Rolls, no. i8i, tn. 11; Mohun Chronicle,
no. 160. m. 34''. ' Testa dc Ncvill, p. 153 ; Close
- Close Rolls, 1234-123^, p. 505. Rolls, 36 Hen. HI. mm. 22, 17, i"* ; 37
* Beauchamp Chartulary, f. loi. Hen. HI. mm. 19, 11 ; 39 Hen. HI.
* Feet of Fines, Divers Counties, 36 m. 24'' ; Patent Roll, 37 Hen. HI. m. 18 ;
Hen. HI. Inq. postmortem, C.Hen.HI. file 25(13).
* Ibid. 40 Hen. HI.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 33
Sir William, who was born in 1254. He was con-
sequently a mere boy at the time of his mother's
death. ^ In 1262, the King sold his wardship and
marriage to William la Zouche for 200 marks. ^
Through his mother, he inherited the manors of
Mildenhall, in Wiltshire, and Greywell, in Hamp-
shire, lands at Sturminster Marshal, in Dorset, and
Magor near Monmouth, and a larger estate in
Kildare and Kilkenny. He also obtained from his
half-nephew, John de Mohun of Dunster, the
manors of Galmton, Stoke Fleming and Ottery
called afterwards Ottery Mohun, and other property
in Devonshire, all, however, subject to the over-
lordship of the head of the family. ^ In 1 277, he
was summoned to perform military service in per-
son against Llewellyn, Prince of Wales. * Three
years later, he went on pilgrimage to Santiago in
Spain. ' He ought to have attended a muster at
Rhuddlan at the beginning of August 1282, but
he died on the 17th of that month at his home at
Ottery. ^ He was buried near his father in the
choir of Newenham Abbey. ^
By Beatrice, his wife. Sir William de Mohun had
issue four children : —
Reynold, who died under age in 1284.
Eleanor, who was born at Stoke Fleming, in
August 1 28 I, and married John de Carew. ^
> Inquisition, as above ; Calendar of overlooked, removes all difinculty.
Close Rolls, 1272-1279, pp. 287, 296. * Palgrave's Parliamentary Writs,
* Excerpta e Rotulis Finium, vol. ii. vol. i. p. 194.
p. 365. » Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1272-1281
» Feudal Aids, vol. i. pp. 317, 3I9. PP- 36i, 364-
329, 331. Sir William de Mohuns « Inq. post mortem, C. Edw. I. file
possession of lands formerly belonging 30 (8) ; file 39 (6) ; Money's History of
to his stepmother's family was a cause Ncivbury, p. 122.
of error to me in 1880, and afterwards ' Oliver's Monasticon DioecesisExon.
to Mr. Hunt (Dictionary of National p. 363.
Biographv, vol. xxxviii, p. mi. The ** Inq. post mortem. C. Edw. I. file 25,
condition of his tenure, which 1 had nos. 43, 123.
34 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
Margaret, who died under age.
Mary, who was born posthumously at Mildenhall,
in December 1282, and married Sir John of
Meriet before she was fourteen years of age. ^
The wardship of the heir, and afterwards of the
co-heirs, was given to Eleanor, the King's mother. ^
In 1288, Beatrice de Mohun paid 100/. for royal
licence to marry a second husband. She was a
desirable widow, as she had a considerable dower. ^
James, a clerk. While a student at Oxford in 1267,
he received a royal grant of two oaks from Shot-
over for his fuel. * In due course he proceeded to
the degree of Master. He was only in subdea-
con's orders when instituted to the rectory of
Walkhampton in Devonshire, in 1 276. ^ The par-
sonage of Brompton which he afterwards obtained
cannot be located with any certainty. ^ He had
a small estate of his own at Horswell and South
Milton, in Devonshire. ' He was living in Decem-
ber 1322.^ By a will proved early in the follow-
ing year, he bequeathed a messuage near Newgate
to the Prior and Convent of St. Bartholomew's,
Smithfield, in order that they should provide two
chaplains to say mass daily for his soul, one in their
own church and the other in the church of
St. Sepulchre. ^
Isabel, who is said to have married Edmund Deyn-
court. ^^
* Ibid. 29 Edw. I. no. 6; C. Edw. HI. pp. Ii8, 213.
Ale 2 [S) ; Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 2g6- ^ Feudal Aids, vol. i. pp. 324, 351,
1302, pp. 134, 148. 396.
* Calendar o/Palciii Rolls, 1 2Si-i2g2, " Calendar of Patent Rolls, i$2i-
pp. 52, 128, 468. ^324, p. 230 ; Feet of Fines, Divers
* Ihid. p. 298; Calendar of Close Counties, 11 Edw. II.
Rolls, i2yQ-i2SS, p. 198. ^ Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1321-
* Close Roll, 52 Hen. III. m. 12. 1324, p. 283.
•'' Bronscombe's Register, 1". 76. '" St. George's extracts from the
* Calendar of Patent Rolls, I2g2-i 301, Mohun Chronicle.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 35
John de Mohun, son of John, son of Reynold,
was a minor at the time of his grandfather's death,
and as soon as the news of it reached Windsor, the
King granted his wardship and marriage and the
charge of his estates to Queen Eleanor. ^ On the
ist of August 1265, Sir William of Berkeley landed
at Minehead with a number of Welshmen, intending
to ravage the county of Somerset. Adam Gurdon,
who was then warden of Dunster Castle, at once
sallied out to meet them and put them to flight.
Those who escaped the sword were drowned." Gurdon
is known to have been an adherent of the insurgent
barons, and to have collected a number of their
partisans at Dunster. ^ He was, however, ejected
soon after the battle of Evesham, and Alan Plugenet
was placed in command of the fortress in his stead. *
The wardship of the Mohun lands was afterwards
transferred from the Queen to Richard, King of
Almain.
On attaining his majority, John de Mohun did
homage to Henry the Third, and he obtained Hvery of
his inheritance in October 1269. ' He was summon-
ed in 1 277 to do military service against Llewellyn,
Prince of Wales, and he went accompanied by his
brother Robert de Mohun and Thomas du Pyn. ^ He
was Httle more than thirty years of age at the time
of his death in 1279. The inquisitions then taken
give valuable information about the knights' fees
belonging to the Honour of Dunster, and show that
he held in his own hands the manors of Dunster,
1 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1 247-1 2 =^8, ^ Miscellaneous Inquisitions,
pp. 614, 616 ; Close Rolls 42 Hen. Ill, * Patent Roll, 49 Hen. 111. m. 10.
ni. 10 ; 49 Hen. III. m. 6 ; Assize Roll. ^ Close Roll, 53 Hen. III. m. i
no 1203 m 4 ^ Palgrave's Parliameittary Writs,
•' Willelmi Rishanger Chronica (R.S.), vol. i. pp. 195, 202, 210, 211 ; Calendar
p. 41. of Patent Rolls, 1272-128 1, p. 189.
36 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
Carhampton, Cutcombe, Minehead, Kilton and He
Brewer in Somerset, Whichford in Warwickshire,
Bradworthy, Torre Mohun, Cadleigh and Ugborough
in Devonshire, and Luton in Bedfordshire. ^ They
do not make any mention of the manor of Streatley,
which had been let to Maud, Countess of Hereford,
for her Hfe. "
By Eleanor Fitzpiers, his wife, Sir John de Mohun
left an only son, John. The widow Eleanor married
Sir William Martin. '
John de Mohun the third was of course a minor
at the time of his father's death. The right of
tendering a suitable lady to him in marriage at the
proper time was granted by the Crown to Robert
Tibetot in July 1279. "* His lands meanwhile proved
useful for the satisfaction of different annuities that had
been promised by the King. The manor and castle
of Dunster were thus committed, in May 1280, to
Francesco d'Accorso, the learned civilian whom
Edward the First had brought from Bologna to assist
him in the administration of public affairs. ' The
manors of Whichford and He Brewer were similarly
committed to Amaury de St. Amand. ' In June 1 28 i ,
John de Vescy, a first cousin of the late John de
Mohun, obtained a definite grant of Dunster Castle
and other lands until the heir should come of age. '
The Abbot of Cleeve and the Prior of Dunster were
made responsible to him for the arms and armour,
necessary for the defence of the Castle, that had
1 Inq.postmortem,C.Ed\v.I.file22(i); * Calendar of Patent Rolls 12^2-1281,
file 43 (6). p. 318-
- Feet of Fines, Berks, i Edw. I. * /fe/'rf. p. 374; Maxwell Lyte's H/s/or)-
* Inquisitions, as above ; F<;»rf<7/^/(/5, of the University of Oxford, pp. 88, 89.
vol. i. pp. 318, 349, 352, 380; vol. iv. ^ Calendaro/Putent Rolls, 12^2-1281,
pp. 302, 334 ; Calendar of Close Rolls, p. 444.
i272-i27g, pp. 539, 540 ; Calendar of ' Ibid. 1281-121)2, p. 8 ; Calendar of
Charter Rolls, vol. ii. p. 264. Close Rolls, i27g-i28S, p. 149.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 37
been temporarily placed in their respective houses. ^
The young heir himself continued in the wardship
of the King under the charge of a tutor named John
Launcelewe, and the accounts of the royal wardrobe
record payments for his saddles, bridles, leggings and
spurs. ^ He obtained livery of his lands in 1290,
from which it may be inferred that he was born
in 1269. ^
In the course of a fairly long life, John de Mohun
did something towards consolidating his scattered
estates. Thus, in 1299, he made over to the King
all his share of the Marshal inheritance in Kildare,
in exchange for the manor of Long Compton, in
Warwickshire, adjoining his own manor of Which-
ford. * There is also reason to believe that he
exchanged the manor of He Brewer in Somerset,
some twenty-four miles from Dunster, for that of
Goring, in Oxfordshire, separated only by the Thames
from his own manor of Streatley. '
It would be tedious to enumerate the different
expeditions in which Sir John de Mohun did military
service against the French in Gascony and Flanders,
against the Welsh, and, more frequently, against the
Scots, but it may be noted that on one occasion he
is described as a banneret. In February 1299, he
received his first writ of summons to Parliament. **
According to modern ideas, he thus became a heredi-
tary peer, and he is therefore called Lord Mohun
in numerous books and pedigrees. No such titles
' Calendar of Patent Rolls, I28i-i2g2, Rolls of Ireland, 12Q5-IS03, pp. 369-371.
p. 24. ' Feudal Aids, vol. iv. pp. 154, 170,
* Miscellanea, Chancery, bundle 4. 176, 291, 314.
^ Calendar of Patent Rolls, I28i-i2g2, * Calendar of Close Rolls, 1296-1302,
p. 356. pp. 7, 22, 98, 346 ; Palgrave's Parlia-
* Originalia Roll, 8 Edw. I. m. 14 ; mentary Writs, vol. i. p. 740; vol. ii.
Calendar of Close Rolls, 1296-1302, pp. 1176-1178 ; Calendar of Patent
p. 324 ; Calendar of Charter Rolls, Rolls, 1301-1302, p. 231.
vol. ii. p. 480 ; Calendar of the Justiciary
38 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
were, however, known in his day. In the famous
letter of the EngUsh barons to the Pope, he is simply
styled 'John de Mohun, lord of Dunsterre. ' By
virtue of his tenure he was indeed, like his ancestors,
one of the Greater Barons of the realm, but a writ
of summons did not at that period confer any title
upon the recipient. He was never styled ' Lord de
Mohun ' in his lifetime, and Sir Hugh Luttrell, who
sat in the House of Commons in the reign of Henry
the Fourth, was just as truly ' lord of Dunster ' as
any of the Mohuns, and was often so styled.
When Edward the Second was about to be
crowned, thirty-two ecclesiastics, and a hundred and
eight of the principal nobles and officers of state
were summoned to attend the ceremony, and John de
Mohun was of course included in the number. He,
or his namesake, John Mohun of Ham, was implicated
in the proceedings of Thomas, Earl of Lancaster,
but he seems to have adhered to the King when the
Earl rose in open rebellion some years later. Writs
of summons to successive Parliaments and Councils
continued to be issued to him until July 1330^
Attendance in Parliament was then more of a burden
than of an honour, and the recipients of such writs
were sometimes allowed to send proxies. * Thus it
was that, in 1329, when John de Mohun was aged
and infirm, he obtained specific licence to send his
son Robert — who was not his heir — to do military
service in his stead and to occupy his seat in Parlia-
ment. ^
John de Mohun the third was married twice.
His first wife was Ada Tibetot, presumably a daughter
' Palgrave, as above. vol. iv. pp. 408, 462.
- Palj^rave, vol. ii. p. 267 ; Report on ^ Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1327-1 330,
the Dignity of a Peer, vol. iii. p. 166 ; p. 383.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 39
of Robert Tibetot to whom his marriage had been
granted. By her he had issue seven or eight sons
and one daughter ^ : —
Sir John de Mohun the fourth. He married in May
1305, Christian, daughter of Sir John Segrave,
who had a fortune of 400/. In consideration of
this sum, his father undertook to maintain them
and to give her a dower of 100 marks a year in
the event of his surviving her husband, who would
otherwise succeed to property valued at 600/. a
year. " It is clear that the young couple were
under age at the time. Little is known about
John de Mohun the fourth except that he fought
at the battle of Boroughbridge in 1322, and died
in Scotland during the lifetime of his father. ^ A
statement that he was buried in the church of the
Grey Friars at York rests upon very questionable
authority. *
He left issue : —
John de Mohun the fifth.
Margaret, who married John de Carew.
Elizabeth, who died without issue. ^
Sir Robert, already mentioned. He married Eliza-
beth, daughter and heir of Simon de Roges of
Porlock. The marriage does not seem to have
turned out happily, for, after his murder about the
end of I 3 3 I , his relict and her mother were ahke
suspected of being privy to the crime. Very Httle
is known about the circumstances beyond the fact
that a neighbour, John of Luccombe, was the
' Archcsological Journal, vol. xxxvii, vol. ii. part 2, p. 198.
p. 89. ^ The Visitation of Devon, 1620.
2 Patent Roll, 33 Edw. I. part i. m. 9. '- Archceological journal, as above.
^ Palgrave's Parliamentary Writs,
40 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
chief person implicated. The widow soon married
another husband, Sir Robert of Stockhey. ^ The
date of her death is not recorded, but she must
have been succeeded by a son, for, in 1353, there
is mention of John de Mohun of Porlock, knight,
who is elsewhere described as son of Sir Robert
de Mohun. ' The Mohuns of Fleet, in Dorset,
claimed descent from him. ^
Baldwin, a clerk. He received the first tonsure from
the Bishop of Bath and Wells in 131 5, but he did
not obtain any preferment in the west of England,
and there are some grounds for supposing that he
married a lady of the Clavering family. * In i 342,
he served on several judicial commissions in War-
wickshire, apparently in the capacity of a local
magnate. ' In that very year, however, he again
turned his thoughts to the church, and powerful
patrons, the Earl of Lancaster and Queen Isabella,
recommended him to the Pope for a canonry \
Although described in 1342 as holding the church
of Whichford, which was in the gift of his nephew,
Sir John de Mohun, he was not actually instituted
thereto until 1344. A parson appointed in the
previous year may have been put in for a time,
while he was qualifying by proceeding to priest's
orders. ^ At some later date, he held the living of
Fordingbridge. ^ In 1348, he was presented by
the King to the prebend of Warminster in the
• Chadwyck Hez\ey's History of part ioo;Dngd:i\e's Antiquities of Warwick-
of West Somerset, PY^. 2 ^^-2^2. s/n/r, (ed. 1765) p. 418.
- Calendar of Ctosc Rolls, 134Q-13S4, * Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1340-
p. 619 ; GasconKoll, 24 Edw. III. m. 2.: 1343, pp. 448, 559, 590.
Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1343-JJ4S, " Calendar of Petitions to the Pope,
p. 133. Mr. Chadwyck Healey did not vol. i, pp. 7, 26.
know of the entry on the Close Roll. ^ Dugdale, as above.
^ See Appendix. * Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1 350-1 334,
•• Drokensford's Register (S.R.S.) pp.69, p. 43.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 41
cathedral church of Salisbury, but he died in the
course of the next two years. ^
Payn, first mentioned in 1323, when he received
episcopal licence to choose his own confessor. ^ In
the following year, he again had recourse to the
bishop in order to compel his father to deliver
50 marks and a cope adorned with gold and relics
which his mother Ada had bequeathed to him and
three of her other younger children. ^ After the
murder of his brother. Sir Robert, already men-
tioned, Payn de Mohun was very active in trying
to bring the guilty persons to justice. ^ From his
father he received the manor of Cutcombe, but
the gift was limited to the term of his life. " In
1344 and 1345, he went abroad with various
knights and others in the retinue of Henry of
Lancaster, Earl of Derby. ^
Sir Reynold, ancestor of the Mohuns of Cornwall. ^
Patrick, who received from his father the manor of
Bradworthy, in Devon, but only for the term of
his life. ^ He seems to have acted as receiver for
the relict of his nephew, the last Lady de Mohun of
Dunster, and she allowed him to live at Marsh-
wood. An arrangement to this effect was ratified,
in 1398, by her daughter, Lady Fitzwalter, who
claimed the reversion, which she never obtained \
Hervey, who seems to have made himself useful to
several persons of importance. Lady Blanche Wake
obtained for him an annuity of i o marks from the
• Ibid. 134S-13SO, pp. Ill, 201 ; Rolls, 134S-1350, p. 58 ; Lay Subsidies.
Calendar of Petitions to the Pope, vol. i. 169/5.
p. 205. "^ Kymer's FcErffc-ra, vol. iii. pp. II, 40.
» Drokenford:s Register (S.R.S.)^.2it. ' See Appendix.
3 Ibid. p. 231. * Feet of Fines, as above.
< Chadwyck ilealey, as above. * D.C.M. ix. 3 ;xvii. t; xxxi. 2 ; Inq.
'" Feet of Fines, divers counties, 22 post mortem, 6 Hen. IV. no. 33.
Edw. ni (no. 422) \Calendar of Patent
42 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
Crown. ^ Henry, Earl of Lancaster, her brother,
gave him an annuity of i o/. and Sir John de Mohun,
his own nephew, appointed him baiUfF of the Hun-
dred of Carhampton. ^ He died in 1349, the year
of the Black Death. ^
Laurence, who is stated to have been the ancestor of
the Mohuns of Tavistoclc. Nothing, however, is
really known about him. *
Eleanor, who married Sir Ralph of Wellington, ap-
parently in 1324. ■'
Ada, the first wife of John de Mohun the third,
died in or before 1324. His second wife was Sibyl
relict of Sir Henry de Lorty. ^ In February 1325,
a priest named Robert of Plympton was appointed
confessor to Sir John de Mohun and Sibyl his wife \
In June 1330, Sir John entered into a recognisance
to Bartholomew of Burghersh in the then colossal
sum of 10,000/. the intention of which is not stated,
although probably connected with a matrimonial
project.** He died a few weeks later, on the 25th
of August. ^ He had been more interested in the
Benedictines of Dunster than in the Augustinians of
Bruton or the Cistercians of Newenham, and he was
buried in their church, probably on the north side of
the chancel. ^^ The effigy of a widow in a richly
ornamented recess on the south side of the chancel
»
1 Calendar of Close Rolls, 134.6-1^49, '^ Proceedings of Somerset Archceolo-
pp. 27, 105, 203, 459, 562, 610. gical Society, vol. xlii. p. 46; Bishop
- Calendar of Patent Rolls,i 348-1350, Ralph's Register (S.R.S), pp. 49, 161, 189,
p. 370- 255.
^ /fe/rf. p. 412. ' Drokensford'sRegtster{S.R.S.),p.240.
* As the Newenham Register states * Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 330-1 333,
that John de Mohun the third had seven p. 143.
sons and then proceeds to enumerate ^ CartulariesofMtichelney and Athel-
eight, the ' et' before the name of Lau- ney (S.R.S.), p. 27; Inq. post mortem,
rence should perhaps he a ' vel. ' C. Edvv. HI. file 22.
* Calendar of Close Rolls, 1323-1 32J, '" T^vo Chartularics of Bath{S.K.9,.),
p. 192 ; 1330-1333, P- 144 ; Calendar of L. p. 182.
Patent Rolls, 1 348-1 350, p. 200.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 43
dates from his time, and may fairly be taken to repre-
sent his mother, Christian.
It is repeatedly laid down in books on law " that
the widow of a baron shall not have dower out of
the caput baronice of her late husband. " ^ Nevertheless
the dower assigned by the Crown to Sibyl, Ladv de
Mohun, in 1330, comprised the castle and the manor
of Dunster, the former of which was the caput of an
ancient barony. To these was afterwards added a
third of the knights' fees pertaining thereto. ^ She
had, however, considerable difficulty in establishing
her rights. ^ In 1335, it was reported to the King
at Alnwick that she was dead, and no time was lost
in disposing of the lands which she held in dower,
but the report proved false, and she was certainly
living in 1337. * There is nothing more to be said
about her except that she kept a domestic chaplain,
presumably at Dunster. ^
John de Mohun the fifth, was about ten years
old at the death of his grandfather in 1330.^ No
lord of Dunster had left an heir of full age since the
reign of Henry the Second, and the Crown had got
the benefit of six wardships there in the course of a
hundred and fifty-four years. Henry of Burghersh,
Bishop of Lincoln and Chancellor of England, a
worldly and avaricious prelate, obtained the marriage
of the young heir of Dunster and the custody of his
lands during minority, within six days of the death
of John de Mohun the third. ^
1 Madox's Baronia Anglica, pp. lo, * Ibid. pp. 178, 505.
42; Cvmse'sDigiiitiesorTitlesof Honour '"Bishop Ralph's Register (S.R.S.),
etc. ' pp. 172, 308.
* Calendar of Close Rolls, 1330-1333, " Inq.post mortem, C.Edvv. HI. file
pp. 96, 481. 22.
^ RotnliParliaina!toritm,vo].n. p. 71; ' Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1327-
Caleiidar of Patent Rolls, 1334-1338, 1330, P- 55^ ; Calendar of Close Rolls,
p. 127. 1330-1333, P- 96.
44 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
After a few weeks, however, he fell into disgrace
at Court, and, in January 1331, the custody of
two thirds of the Mohun inheritance was transferred
to William of Ayreminne, Bishop of Norwich, who is
described as " crafty, covetous and treasonable.
Four years later, we find this prelate claiming com-
pensation from the Crown for the dower assigned to
Lady de Mohun, the widow, at Minehead. " In
1334, he is mentioned as holding some of the lands,
the remainder and the person of the young heir
being in the hands of Sir Bartholomew of Burghersh,
a half-brother of the Bishop of Lincoln. ^ It was at
the special request of Sir Bartholomew that John de
Mohun obtained livery of his lands in England
in 1 341, without proving that he was of full
age. * By this date, he had doubtless done what
was required of him by marrying the daughter
of his guardian, Joan of Burghersh, a lady who
plays a very important part in the history of Dunster.
Sir John de Mohun the fifth did military service
against the Scots in 1341.'^ In the following year
and again in 1345, he went abroad with his father-
in-law, who was a distinguished commander in the
wars of Edward the Third. ' At the battle of Crecy,
he was in the division of Edward, Prince of Wales,
which comprised " all the flower of the chivalry of
England. " ' He also took part in at least five
subsequent campaigns, accompanying the Prince of
Wales in 1359 and the Duke of Lancaster in 1373.*'
1 Calendar of- Patent Rolls, 1334- ^ Scotch Roll, 15 Edw. III. m. 2.
^33^ P- 122 ; Calendar of Close Rolls, '^ French Rolls, 16 Edw. HI. m. 26 ;
1330-1333, P- 4.36. 19 Edw. III. m. 7.
" Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1 334-1 338, ' Wrottesley's Crecy and Calais,
p. 127. pp, 6, 29, 31, 79,82, 86, 99, III, 120, 275.
' Calendar of Close Rolls, 1333- ** Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 498;
^557i PP' I93i 218. Rymei's Fcedera, vol. iii. p. 443.
* Ibid. 1341-1343, p. 166.
cH.i. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 45
One of his horses named ' Grisel Oris ' was a present
to him from the former of these great warriors. ^
As a baron, Sir John de Mohun was summoned to a
council in 1 342, and he received writs to attend
different parHaments between 1348 and 1374.^ If
he had Hved in the following century, he would have
been formally described as ' Lord de Mohun ', and he
was sometimes so styled in his own lifetime. ^ On
the establishment of the Order of the Garter in the
year 1348, he was nominated one of the original
twenty-five knights. *
Sir John de Mohun seems to have shone more in
war than in peace. In i 344, he was indicted with
his uncles, Payn and Patrick de Mohun, and many
others for various felonies in the county of Somerset. ^
Six years later, he got into serious trouble by attempt-
ing to interfere with the administration of justice.
John Durborough, one of the military tenants of the
Honour of Dunster, brought a suit against him to
recover some land, and when the King's judges were
sitting at Somerton to hear this and other cases, Sir
John attacked his adversary in the middle of the
town, pursued him as far as the churchyard and,
overtaking him there, carried him off on horseback
to Langport. Such violence could not be tolerated
even in a great baron, and, by order of the judges,
the sheriff raised the hue and cry against him and
rescued his captive. Sir John himself was commit-
ted to prison. The assize roll does not contain any
record of the proceedings, but the story is told in the
letters patent by which he obtained the royal pardon,
1 Beltz's Order of the Garter, p. 383. " Anstis's Register of the Order of the
* Report on the' Dignity of a Peer, Garter, vol. i. p. 49 ; vol. ii. p. 6.
vol. iv. pp. 539-661. * Assize Roll, no. 771 ; Calendar of
* D.C.M. IX. 2. Close Rolls, 1 343-1 346, p. 361.
46 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
on the intercession of some of his peers. He did
not get off without making an ample apology, express-
ing his willingness to incur forfeiture of life and
limbs as well as of lands and goods, without hope of
mercy, if he should commit any similar offence in
the future. ^
Associating with the greatest persons in the realm,
Sir John de Mohun seems from the very beginning
to have lived beyond his means. A brief will execut-
ed by him as early as September 1342, suggests that
he was already in difficulties. After leaving his
body to the regular canons of Bruton, he thereby
bequeathed all his moveable goods to his wife and Sir
Ivo de Glynton, a priest, in order that they should
pay his creditors in the city of London and afterwards
his other creditors, and do whatever they thought fit
for the benefit of his soul. ^ Later on, we find him
borrowing money from Sir James Audley and others. "*
In order to understand the history of Dunster and
the manors that went with it in the fourteenth cen-
tury, it becomes necessary to trace in some detail the
manner in which Sir John de Mohun the fifth dealt
with his ample inheritance. There is no record of
any settlement made at the time of his marriage, and
when he obtained livery of his lands, there were not
apparently any charges upon them except the life
interests of some of his uncles. Within the first few
years, however, he sold Cadleigh. *
On the 23rd of June 1346, royal licence was
granted for Sir John de Mohun to enfeoff William
of Fordham, clerk, and Maud of Bourton of the
castle and manor of Dunster with all knights' fees
' Calendar of Patctif Rolls, i ^48-1^1^0, ^ Pole MS.at Queen's College Oxford,
p. 500. ff. 178, 179" ; Close Rolls, passim.
* D.C.M. XXXVII. 4. * Feudal Aids, vol. i. p. 424.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 47
and advowsons pertaining thereto, and the manors of
Carhampton, Minehead and Kilton, and for them to
re-convey to him and Joan his wife and the heirs of
their bodies, with remainder to his heirs general. ^ By
a deed purporting to be executed on the very same day
at Titchfield and witnessed by Sir John Durborough,
Sir Ralph Fitzurse, Sir Alexander Luttrell, John
Osberne, constable of Dunster, John of Bratton and
others, he formally conveyed the premises as above,
and he also appointed attorneys to deliver seisin. A
conjecture may be hazarded that William of Ford-
ham was the domestic chaplain at the Castle, and that
Maud of Bourton was a personal attendant of Lady
de Mohun. However this may be, they were mere
instruments. On the i 2th of July, they duly exe-
cuted a re-conveyance in the terms of the royal licence,
witnessed at Dunster by Sir John Durborough, Sir
Simon Furneaux, Sir Ralph Fitzurse, John Osberne
the constable, John of Bratton, John le Bret and John
Wosham. By this time Sir John de Mohun was
probably abroad, and there is no record of livery of
seisin to him. "^ It is more material to observe that
the transaction was carried further by a fine levied in
Michaelmas term, by which the premises were settled
on Sir John de Mohun and Joan his wife and the
heirs male of their bodies, with remainder to his
heirs general. ^ Whether the limitation to heirs
male was intended all along, or introduced as an after-
thought, it is impossible to say, but it had very
important consequences. It does not occur in an
otherwise similar settlement of the manor of Goring
made about the same time. *
1 Calendar ofPatnitRolh, I s^'^-x-.^S. » Feet of Fines. Somerset, 20 Edw.
p. 126. HI. (Gieen, ii. 234.)
- D.C.M. I. 13. ^ Inq. post mortem, 6 Hen.IV.no. 33.
48 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
In March 1348, royal licence was obtained for Sir
John de Mohun to convey the reversion of the
manors of Cutcombe, Greywell and Sturminster
Marshal and certain lands at Carhampton and Kilton
to William Hothorp and Richard Cok, and for them
to re-convey to him and Joan his wife and the heirs
of their bodies, with remainder to his heirs general. ^
A fine was accordingly levied of the premises, as
also of the reversion of the manors of Ugborough,
Bradworthy, Torre Mohun and Streatley, for which no
licence was needed, as they were not held in chief. '
The first effect of the three fines mentioned above
was to give Lady de Mohun a life interest in almost
all the manors belonging to her husband in England.
Nevertheless he eventually managed to sell that of
Ugborough to Sir Neal Loring, who also bought his
property at Luton, in Bedfordshire. ^
The next transaction appears to have been of the
nature of a mortgage. In 1350, Sir John de Mohun
and Joan his wife demised the castle of Dunster, with
its fees and advowsons, and Carhampton, Rodhuish
and Marshwood, to Sir Batholomew of Burghersh the
elder. Sir Bartholomew of Burghersh the younger
— her father and brother — Sir Peter de Veel, Sir Roger
la Ward, and Matthew of Clevedon, esquire, at the
nominal rent of a red rose for four years, and the exces-
sive rent of 400/ afterwards. "* They recovered pos-
session at the end of August 1355, and on the 3rd of
September,Sir John handed over to his wife forty-three
title deeds relating to the manors of Dunster, Mine-
head, Torre Mohun, Bradworthy and Ugborough. ^
' Calendar of Patent Rolls, I J48-1 350, Inquisitions ad quod damnum, file 386,
p. 58. no. 3.
* Feet of Fines, Divers Counties, 22 * D.C.M. i. 5.
Edw. III. ■' Ibid, and i. 6.
^ Inq. post mortem, 6 Hen. IV. no 33 ;
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 49
By this date at any rate, Lady de Mohun was
aiming at something more than a Hfe interest in her
husband's estates. She seems indeed to have obtained
complete ascendency over him, either by the power
of the purse or by superior force of character. It
was for her, and not for him, that Walter de la Houe,
Abbot of Newenham, compiled a professedly historic-
al work which describes the first William de Mohun
as the noblest man in the whole army of William the
Conqueror, and recounts how Reynold de Mohun
was created Earl of Somerset by Pope Innocent. ^
In the Latin supplement to it, written, in 1350, by
John Osberne, constable of Dunster, he describes him-
self as " the clerk and servant " of this " most
excellent and most beneficent " lady, " the daughter
of the most illustrious, active and noble knight. Sir
Bartholomew of Burghersh, the elder, " while her
husband is practically ignored. ^
In 1369, Sir John and Lady de Mohun, having
no expectation of male issue, and relying on the fine
of 1346, in preference to the deed of conveyance
from William of Fordham and Maud of Bourton of
the same year, resolved to make a fresh settlement of
the nucleus of his hereditary property. Realising
perhaps that the validity of their proceedings might
some day be called in question, they took care, this
time, to select trustees of high social rank, Simon of
Sudbury, Bishop of London, Sir Aubrey de Vere,
knight, and Sir John of Burghersh, knight. By
letters patent issued on the 6th of July, the King
empowered Sir John and Lady de Mohun to convey
the manor and the hundred of Carhampton to these
three persons, who were at the same time empowered
1 See pp. 2, 3, 22-25, above. Mohun Chronicle ; Devon Notes and
- St. George's extracts from the Queries, vol. iv. p. 251.
H
50 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
to dispose of them by alienation, gift, or demise, in
fee simple or otherwise, according to the pleasure
and order of the lady, conveyance in mortmain being
alone forbidden. ^ The first difficulty having been
thus overcome, it was comparatively simple to obtain
similar letters patent on the 24th and 26th of the
same month with regard to the castle of Dunster
and the manors of Minehead and Kilton. In the
second transaction, Richard, Earl of Arundel was
associated with the three trustees named above, but
he eventually retired. ^ The trustees seem to have
entered, for, in i 371, two of them appointed attorneys
to deliver to Patrick Everard and Joan his wife seisin
of some land in the manor of Minehead, and, in
1373, the Bishop granted to the same Patrick two
acres in the Hanger at Dunster between the ditch
of the vineyard and Brooklane. ^
In 1374, Lady de Mohun arranged to sell the
reversion of the castle and manor of Dunster, the
manors of Minehead and Kilton, and the hundred of
Carhampton to Lady Elizabeth Luttrell, a widow of
noble birth. The purchaser paid a deposit of 200/.
to Lady de Mohun, Aubrey de Vere and Michael
atte Mede, upon condition that it should be refunded
to her in case the arrangement were not carried
through. It was distinctly recognised that the bargain
might fail " as in levying of the fine or of the grant
and lease of the castle, manors and hundred aforesaid
with all their appurtenances cutting off the remain-
der." * Sir John de Mohun's daughters may have raised
objections, and the Earl of Arundel's withdrawal
from the trust about this time is significant. By the
» D.C.M. I. 4; Patent Roll, 6 Hen. ^ d.C.M. i. 13.
IV. part 2, m. 27. * D.C.M. i. 7.
» /fe/W.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 51
summer of 1375, matters had not got beyond the
levying of a fine by which the premises were con-
veyed to the trustees absolutely. ^ Soon after this, Sir
John de Mohun died, the exact date being the 15th
of September 1 375. ^ He was duly buried at Bruton,
in accordance with the will already mentioned. In
the account of the bailiff of the hundred of Carhamp-
ton for 1387, there is a charge against the widow: —
" In holding the anniversary of the Lord de Mohun at
Bruton in the last year, not already claimed, and In the
present year, 21J. "^
In John de Mohun the fifth, the senior male line
of the family came to an end. He left issue three
daughters, all of whom made brilliant matches : —
Elizabeth, the eldest, born at Goring in 1343.* She
married William of Montacute, Earl of Salisbury,
one of the original Knights of the Garter. ^ She
too was entitled to wear the robes of the Order. "
By a will dated in November 141 4, she left minute
instructions for her burial at Bisham Abbey oppos-
ite to the tomb of her husband, who had died in
1397.^ She died in the January following, without
issue. ^
Philippa, the second, doubtless a god-daughter of the
Queen of Edward the Third. She married firstly
Sir Waher Fitzwalter, who died in 1386, secondly
Sir John Golafre, who died in 1396, and thirdly
1 Feet of Fines, Somerset, 48 Edvv. « Beltz's Memorials of the Order of
III. (Green, iii. 87.) the Garter, pp. 248, 249, 255. A
2 Exchequer Inquisitions, series i. statement there (p. 39) that she was
file 41 no. 23. " received into the sisterhood of the
3 D.'c.M. XXXI. 2. convent of St. Albans," in 1408, has
* Add. MS. 28649. f- 265. been misunderstood to mean that she
5 Planche gives tlie date of the took the veil.
marriage as 1361, but without citing ^ -UlcoXzs'iTeslamental ctiista,^.i^i.
any authority. Journal of British Mnq. post mortem, 4 Hen. V. no. 55.
Archceological Association, vol.ix. p. 374.
52 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
Edward, Duke of York, who was slain at Agin-
court in 141 5. By a will dated at Carisbrooke
Castle in 1430, she directed that she should be
buried in the conventual church of Westminster,
and her monument is still to be seen there in the
Chapel of St. Nicholas. ^ She died in 1 43 1 , without
issue. '
Maud, the youngest. She married Sir John le Strange
of Knockin, who died in i 397. She predeceased her
mother, leaving a son and heir Richard, who was
sometimes styled ' Lord of Knockin and Mohun. ' ^
According to the peerages, the barony of Mohun
descended through the Stranges and the Stanleys
to Ferdinand, Earl of Derby, who died in 1594.
As the only grandchild of the last of the Mohuns of
Dunster, Sir Richard le Strange succeeded eventu-
ally to the manors of Whichford, Long Compton,
Bradworthy, Greywell and Cutcombe, and perhaps
to some other relics of their ancient inheritance.
It was not until more than a year after the death
of Sir John de Mohun that his relict completed
her bargain with Lady Luttrell. On the 1 8th of
November 1376, a fine was levied whereby the three
trustees settled the castle of Dunster, the manors of
Kilton, Minehead and Carhampton, and the hundred
of Carhampton on Joan de Mohun for her life, with
remainder to Elizabeth Luttrell and her heirs. *
Two days later, a formal receipt for the purchase
money was made out, which may be given in the
original language : —
' Nicholas' Royal Wills, p. 224. no. 45.
There are engravings of the monument ^ Feet of Fines, London & Middlesex
in Cough's Sepulchral Monuments, 22 Hen. VI.
vol. ii, and Stothard's Monumental ^ Feet of Fines, Somerset, 50 Edw.
Effigies, p. 88. III. (Green. 89.)
* Inq. post mortem, 10 Hen. VI.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 53
" Sachent touz gentz que cestes lettres verrount ou orrount
moy Johane que fu la femme Johan de Mohun de DonsterrCy
chivaler, avoir receuz de Elizabeth que fu la femme Andrew
Lutrelly chivaler^ cynkz milk marcz de bonne monoie en plein
paiement pour le chastellde Donsterre etles manoirs de Mynheved^
Culveton et Karampton^ ove le hundred de Karampton ove toutes
lour appurtenanlz. De queux cynkz milk marcz je me tiegne
bien et loialment estre paiez et la dite Elizabeth quitesparycestes.
En tesmoignance de quele chose a ycestes jay mys mon seal.
Donne a Londres le vintisme Jour de Novembre Ian du regne le
Roy Edward tierz puis le conquest cynquantisme. " ^
It would be interesting to know how Lady Luttrell
contrived to raise so large a sum, and how she paid
it over, although it is not necessary to believe that
the whole of it was in coin of the realm. So too it
would be interesting to know how Lady de Mohun
disposed of it. A guess may, however, be hazarded
that her husband had left considerable debts. It may
be noted by the way that on the only occasion since
the Norman Conquest on which Dunster Castle has
passed by sale, it was sold by one widow and bought
by another. In one respect. Lady de Mohun certain-
ly got the best of the bargain, for she lived nearly
thirty years after the receipt of the money paid for
rights in reversion.
From 1376 to 1404, Dunster Castle seems to
have been practically shut up. None but the most
necessary repairs were made. When Lady de Mohun
came down to visit her property in 1398, she took
up her abode at Minehead, to which place the reeve
of Dunster sent beef, mutton, and a vast quantity of
beer. ^ For her a gloomy fortress in the west of
England can have had no attraction. She greatly prefer-
1 D.C.M. I. 32. According to Sir Roll, no. 581. m. uo-*.
Hugh Luttrell the purchase money * D.C.M. ix. 4.
was fixed at 5500 marks. De Banco
54 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
red the gay atmosphere of the Court, and, as a change,
the ecclesiastical surroundings of Canterbury. Thus
we hear of her staying at London, Easthampstead,
and Sheen. Her agents in Somerset remitted money
to her from time to time, and occasionally provisions,
such as porpoises, wine and chestnuts. ^
When at Court, Lady de Mohun often exercised
her influence in favour of condemned criminals. *
All the while, however, she was mindful of her own
interests. Not content with rents of all her late
husband's estates, and the large sum that she had
received from Lady Luttrell, she managed to extract
valuable concessions from her royal patrons. In
1384, Richard the Second, in consideration of her
good service to him and the Queen, granted to her
an annuity of 1 00/. for life out of the issues of the
stannary of Devon and Cornwall. ^ This she after-
wards exchanged for the manor and hundred of
Macclesfield, which were of somewhat greater value. *
It is worthy of remark that in some of the letters
patent she is styled the King's ' cousin, ' although
she was not really related to him in blood. Queen
Anne gave her a lease of the important castle and
manor of Leeds, in Kent, with its mill, fishery and
park. Inasmuch, however, as the Queen failed to
do the promised repairs. Lady de Mohun applied to
the King to be excused from the payment of rent for
the rest of her life. ^
Lady de Mohun had no desire to be buried beside
her husband in the obscure priory of Bruton, and,
> D.C.M. IX. 3, 4. * Ibid. i^Ss-ijSg, pp. 35, 48, 163,
* CakiidarofPalfntRolh,i38i-i3Ss, 188, 372 ; Thirty-fourth Report of the
pp. 306, 363 ; i^S^-i^Sg, p. 328 ; 1388- Deputy Keeper of the Records, App. ii.
1392^ P- 258. p. 349.
^ Calendarof Patent Rolls, 1381-1385, * Ancient Petitions, 11003.
p. 457-
JOAN,
LADY DE MOHUN.
PHILIPPA,
I )L- CHESS OF YORK.
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 55
some years before her death, she erected for herself
an elaborate monument near the altar of St. Mary in
the crypt, or undercroft, of the cathedral church
of Canterbury. There her effigy is still to be seen.
The head rests upon two tasselled cushions supported
by angels. The crown is encircled with a richly
jewelled garland, and a jewelled frontlet stretches
across the top of the forehead. A great mass of hair
enclosed in a fret, or jewelled net, descends on both
sides of the face to the level of the chin. As Lady
de Mohun had long since cast off all signs of
widowhood, she does not wear a barbe and her neck
is quite bare. A row of ten very large buttons
adorns the close-fitting tunic of brocade known as a
cote hardie^ without sleeves and cut away for a con-
siderable space beneath the armholes, thus revealing
part of a jewelled girdle. Beneath is a kirtle reaching
down to the feet, and there are remains of an outer
mantle hanging from the shoulders. The lion at
her feet is mutilated, and her hands have been
broken off since 1726. The dateless inscription,
repeated on either side, shows the pride which, even
as an aged widow, she took in her maiden name : —
(por ^\t\x |)rte^ yor fdrtne 3o?ane be (gorwaBC^e
fte feut bame be (Uto^um
The effigy lies under a groined canopy supported by
six lofty buttresses connected by cusped and crocketed
arches. ^ There are no armorial bearings on the monu-
ment itself, but the shields of the families of Mohun,
Burghersh, Montacute, Strange and Despencer are to
be seen in the cloisters of the great church above. ^
* Dart's History of Canterbury Calhe- vol. xiii. pp. 533-535-
tiral, p. 87 ; Stothard's Monumental * Willement's Heraldic Notices of
Effigies, p. 67 ; Archaeologia Cauiiana. Canterbury Cathedral, p. 133.
56 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
In 1395, Lady de Mohun entered into a formal
agreement with the Prior and Convent of Christ
Church, Canterbury, that her body should be buried
in the tomb which she had prepared, and never
removed therefrom. One of the monks was to say
mass daily for nine specified persons at the altar of
St. Mary, or, on certain great festivals, at the altar of
St. John Baptist near the famous tomb of St. Thomas.
For this service he was to receive 2/. a year, and the
clerk in charge of the chapel was to receive 5J. a
year for keeping the tomb clean and in good con-
dition. On the eve of the anniversary of her death,
placebo and dirige were to be sung. On the anni-
versary, a solemn mass of requiem was to be said, the
celebrant receiving 6^". 8^. and the other two clergy
3^. 4^/. apiece. A hundred poor people were also to
receive id. apiece. In consideration of the benefits
promised. Lady de Mohun gave to the monks
350 marks, a set of three vestments of green "sendal "
and two choir-copes of cloth of gold valued at 20/.,
a missal worth 5/. and a chalice worth 2/. besides a
bed worth 20/. of white and red " camaka, " with
four cushions of the same, a covering lined with
blue silk and curtains of " sendal *' of Genoa and
Tripoli. ^
Of the nine persons for whom masses were to be
said, four were living in 1395 : — Richard, King of
England, Lady Joan de Mohun, the foundress of the
Chantry, ' Elizabeth ' presumably the Countess of
Salisbury, her daughter, and Elizabeth le Despencer,
her niece. The other five persons already deceased
were — ' John ' doubtless her husband, ' Edward ' per-
haps the late King, another ' Edward ' either the Black
' Legg and St. John Hope's Inventories ofCliristchurch, Canterbury, p. 99
CH. I. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 57
Prince or the husband of her niece, and Philippa
and Anne, Queens of England. The omission from
the list of her deceased daughter Maud, her living
daughter Philippa, and her living grandson Richard
le Strange, is significant. ^
When Lady de Mohun felt her end approaching,
she sent for the Prior of Christ Church and delivered
to him a closed box, to be entrusted to the two
monks who acted as guardians of the shrine (feretri)
of St. Thomas. The box contained the royal letters
patent of 1369, and various important documents
connected with the sale of Dunster, Minehead, Kilton
and Carhampton. Conscious that there was likely to
be trouble about her action in this matter, she bound
the Prior to deliver the box to her heirs or to Sir
Hugh Luttrell if either they or he got possession of
the property without opposition, or to the successful
party if there should be a suit at law. ^
On the same day, Lady de Mohun made her will,
at a house in the precincts of Canterbury known as
Master Omer's. ^ To the Archbishop of Canterbury,
whom she nominated an executor, she bequeathed a
psalter covered with white, and to her son-in-law the
Duke of York a fair copy of the Legenda Sanctorum
and another illuminated book. To his wife she left
her blessing, suggestive of a previous estrangement,
and her best ruby. Her other daughter the Countess
of Salisbury, was to have her favourite cross and a
second copy of the Legenda Sanctorum^ and Lady le
Despencer the elder was to have a bed of green silk.
The only other relation mentioned was William
Burghersh. To the Prior of Christ Church she
bequeated some old hangings embroidered with lions
• Arundel MS. Lxviii. ft". 59, 60. 120.
* De Banco Roll, no. 581, mm. 119, * Aichceologia Cantiaiia, vii. p. 96.
58 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. i.
and some " ystayned " hangings. One of her mantles
was to be reserved for the wife of Sir Thomas
Hawkwood. Friar John, her own confessor, was to
receive i o marks, and another Franciscan friar named
Henry, 40s. There were further legacies to her six
maidservants, to Philip Caxton her clerk, to John
Sumpterman and John Gardener and other men who
were presumably in her service. Provision was also
made for the maintenance of three young scholars
then at Canterbury. Every poor person coming to
her funeral was to receive \d. and on that occasion
twelve poor men clothed in black at her expense
were to hold torches, in addition to the four great
candles weighing 20 lb. that were to burn during
the ceremony. AH goods not otherwise disposed of
were bequeathed to the church of Canterbury. ^
Two days after making the will to the foregoing
effect. Lady de Mohun died, on the 4th of Octo-
ber 1404. ^
' Somerset Medieval Wills, vol. ii. f. 2i8.
pp. 302, 303, from Arundel's Register, ' Inq. post mortem, 6 Hen. IV. ;i2-
Old tile in Dunster Church
with the arms of mohun.
CHAPTER II
The early Luttrells
I191 — 1403.
Luttrell, originally spelt Luterel, or Loterel, was
probably a diminutive of Loutre^ the French word
for an otter. Applied in the first instance as a per-
sonal nickname, it became a hereditary surname. The
fact that a certain Osbert Lotrel had the farm of
Arques in Normandy in 1 180 and 1 198 rather tends
to confirm the idea that the family was of foreign
origin. ^
His contemporary, Geoffrey Luttrell, acquired a
small property at Gamston and Bridgeford in Notting-
hamshire in the later part of the twelfth century.
During the absence of Richard the First in Palestine,
this Geoffrey Luttrell took part in the unsuccessful
rebellion of John, Count of Mortain, and was conse-
quently deprived of his lands. ^ He was, however, re-
instated after the accession of the Count to the throne
of England, ^ and from 1 204 to i 2 1 5 he seems to have
been continuously employed in public business in one
capacity or another. Many royal charters of the period
' Rotuli Scaccarii Nonnannice (ed. The name of Luttrell does not occur
Stapleton), vol. i. p. 65; vol. ii. p. 422. in Domesday Book, It is almost need-
A certain John Loutrel of Dieppe is less to remark that the Roll of Battle
mentioned as a subject of the French Abbey, in which it is to be found, has
King in 1419. Three years later, Robert no historical authority.
Loterel was presented to a church near - Pipe Rolls 6 and 7 Ric. I. Notts.
Bayeux. Norman Rolls, 6 Hen.V. part ' Roinli Chaitarum, p. 91.
2, mm. 40, I ; 9 Hen. V. m. 5.
6o A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ii.
were witnessed by him as a person in frequent per-
sonal attendance upon the King/ For a time, he had
authority to issue writs in the King's name with re-
gard to wine. ^ He afterwards became paymaster of
the King's ships. ' In 1 204 and again in i 2 1 5, he was
in Ireland with large administrative powers.* In
1 206, he was in Poitou and Gascony as one of the
King's treasurers. ^
In I 2 15, John appointed Sir Geoffrey Luttrell to
be his sole agent in negotiations with regard to the
dower of Queen Berengaria, commissioning him at the
same time to join with the Archbishops of Bordeaux
and Dublin in denouncing to the Pope the rebellious
barons who had recently extorted the Great Charter of
English Liberties. In one of the documents connected
with this business, he is styled ' nobilis vir' ^ His
mission was so far successful that Innocent the Third
annulled the Charter, suspended the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, and excommunicated the barons, but it is un-
certain whether Sir Geoffrey Luttrell was one of those
who conveyed the papal bull from Rome to England.
The exact date of his death, which must have taken
place in 1 2 1 6, or at the latest in 1 2 1 7, is not recorded.
As a reward for personal services, Sir Geoffrey
Luttrell received from King John grants for life of the
houses of the Jew, Isaac of York, at Oxford and North-
ampton, and those of another Jew named Bonnechose
at the former place. ^ The King also granted to him
' Rotuli Chiirtarnm passim. * Rotnli Lift. Patentinm, vol. i. pp.
- Rotuli Litt. Claiisariim, vol. i. pp. 59, 66 ; Rotuli Litt. Clansarum, vol. i.
57, 100, 104-108, 110. pp. 61, 63.
^ Rotuli de Liberate, &c. pp. 176, * Rotuli Chartarum, p. 219 ; Rotuli
I79i 1^5. 188, 194, 202, 206, 208, 213, Litt. Patentium, vol. i. pp. 181, 182.
227-229. ' Rotuli Litt. Clausarum, vol. i. pp.
* Rotuli Chartarum, p. 133 ; Rotuli 227, 366, 386, 399, 407 ; Close Rolls,
Litt. Patentium, vol. i. pp. 39, 4r, 48, 122^-1231, pp. 276, 282 ; Calendar of
153) 154 ; Rotuli Litt. Clausarum, vol. Charter Rolls, vol. i. p. 109.
i. pp. 14, 137, 146, 188, 191, 224, 303.
CH. II. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 6i
some land at Croxton, in Leicestershire. ^ In consider-
ation, moreover, of twenty ounces of gold, he ob-
tained property at Cratelach in Thomond.'
The real foundation of the subsequent prosperity of
the Luttrell family was laid by the marriage of Sir
Geoffrey to a daughter and coheiress of William
Paynell, whose singular Christian name Frethesant is
apparently a continental form of the English name
Frideswyde. Although this lady's father was only a
younger scion of the great family of Paynell, she and
her sister, Isabel Bastard, inherited from him no less
than fifteen knights' fees, for the most part situated
in Yorkshire. '
In 1 2 1 7, Henry of Newmarch paid 40 marks to
the King for licence to marry Frethesant the relict of
Sir Geoffrey Luttrell if she would consent, and the
marriage duly took place. *
Andrew Luttrell, son and heir of Sir Geoffrey,
being under age at the time of his father's death, was
for some months a ward of the Crown. By arrange-
ment, however, with Ralph de Rodes, the overlord of
his lands in Nottinghamshire, the King, in 121 8,
committed the custody of his person and his property
to PhiHp Mark, a man of some importance in the
midland counties, who had been one of the councillors
of King John. It was distinctly stipulated at the time
that he should marry a daughter of his guardian. "" By
the successive deaths of his mother's niece, the only
1 Rofuli Litt. Clausarum, vol. i. pp. John, York.
14, 61 ; Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. vii. ■• Excerpta e Rotulis Finiurn, vol. i.
p. 877. p. 9 ; Testa dc Nevill, p. 375, where
''' Rotitli Litt. Pateiitium, vol. i. p. she is erroneously described as the
151 ; Rottili dc Oblatis, &c. p. 556. relict of William Paynell.
* Pedes Fiiiium Ebor. (Surtees So- ^ Roiuli Litt. Clausarum, vol. i. pp.
ciety) pp. 87, 88 ; Rotuli dc Oblatis, &c. 353, 356, 393, 522 ; Excerpta e Rotulis
p. 205 ; Red Book of the Exchequer, Finiurn, vol. i. p. 83.
PP- 77, 430, 490, 569 ; Pipe Roll, 13
62 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ii.
child of Isabel Bastard, and his own mother Frethesant,
Andrew Luttrell became heir to the whole barony of
his grandfather, WiUiam Paynell. On attaining his
majority, in 1 229, and doing the necessary homage, he
obtained possession of his hereditary estates in York-
shire, Northamptonshire, and Leicestershire. ^ In the
following year, he laid claim to a considerable part of
the landed property of his third cousin, Maurice of
Gaunt, the heir of the elder branch of the Paynell
family.
It has been remarked already that Dunster Castle
has belonged to only two families, the Mohuns and
the Luttrells, since the Norman Conquest. ^ The
history of the manor of East Quantockshead, nine
miles to the east of Dunster, affords a yet more
remarkable instance of the continuity of land tenure
in England, its present owner, Mr. G. F. Luttrell,
being, through only two females, the lineal descendant
of Ralph Paynell, who held it in the reign of William
the Conqueror. There is no occasion to attempt in
this place to trace the very complicated genealogy of
the great house of Paynell, whose name still survives
at Hooton Pagnell, Boothby Pagnell and Newport
Pagnell. A simple table will suffice to show the rela-
tionship between Maurice of Gaunt and Andrew
Luttrell.
Maurice of Gaunt died in the expedition which
Henry the Third led into Brittany in the summer of
1230. ^ Andrew Luttrell thereupon went to the
King in Poitou and put forward a claim to the manors
' Close Rolls, 1227-1231, p. 275. p. 201. For a very learned, though
- That is, without reckoning the confused, account of the Paynells and
temporary intrusion of the Herberts, their successors, see the York volume
during the reigns of Edward IV, Ed- of Proceedings of the Archctological
ward V, and Richard ni. Institute. See also Bracton's Notc-
' E.vcerpta e Rotnlis Finiitm. vol. i. book, vol. ii. p. 86.
CH. II. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 63
PEDIGREE OF PAYNELL
OF HOOTON, IRNHAM, AND EAST QUANTOCKSHEAD.
Ralph Paynell,yMaud, dau. and co-heir of
fl. 1086, 1 100. I Richard de Surdeval
William = Avice de Rumilly, dau. of Jordan Paynell= Gertrude,
Paynell,
fl. 1131.
William le Meschine, fl. 1131. dau, of
Earl of Cambridge, relict Robert
of William de Courcy. Fossard.
. Ellis Paynell,
Prior of Holy Trinity,
Richard = Alice =Robert of York fl. 114-2.
de Courcy, dead in
fl. 1138. 1182
Gaunt, d.
1192.
Alexander = Agnes, dau. of
Paynell. | Robert Fossard,
Robert son of = Avice,
Robert son
of Harding,
d. 1195.
married |
inii82. William Paynell, = dau. of Agnes
d. circa 1203. I de Muntchenesy
Geoffrey Luttrell,=|= Frethesant= Henry of William =Isabel.
fl. 1191, 1216. I fl. 1217. Newmarch, Bastard.
I fl. 121 7.
Andrew \ \
Luttrell, Jordan Paynell. = Agnes = Robert de Buscy.
d. 1265. I
I
Adam Paynell. Richard Paynell.
Maud, dau. = Maurice of = Margaret, relict Henry of Gaunt, Master
of Henry Gaunt, of Ralph de of Billeswick hospital,
d'Oyly. d. 1230. Somery. fl. 1268.
64 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ii.
of (East) Quantockshead, Stockland, Huish, Pawlet
and Weare in the county of Somerset, and Irnham
in the county of Lincoln, as his lawful inheritance.
The question of descent being obviously a difficulty,
he offered to pay a hundred marks for an enquiry,
provided that he should be absolved from payment
in the event of his claim being disallowed. Upon
these conditions, the King ordered his justices in
England to institute the enquiry requested. ^ So
uncertain, however, did the result appear that Walter
de Evermue obtained from the King a formal grant
for life of the manors of Quantockshead and Huish,
subject only to the possible rights of the claimant.
A few years later, the grant was revoked, these two
manors being assigned, in lieu of dower, to Margaret
de Somery, the relict of Maurice of Gaunt. ^
Andrew Luttrell entirely failed to show any right
to the manors of Pawlet and Weare, and they accord-
ingly passed to Robert de Gurney, son of the half-
sister of the last owner. ^ On the other hand, in
April 123 I, he obtained an order for the delivery of
the manor of Irnham, upon giving security for the
payment of a hundred marks, which was the amount
of relief due on succession to a great barony. * He
had to wait thirteen months longer for an admission
of his right to the manors of Stockland, Quantocks-
head and Huish. ^ Some years later, a certain Mau-
rice of Leigh and Agnes his wife, who seems to have
been related to the Gaunts, set up a claim to a great
part of the Paynell inheritance, and Andrew Luttrell
had to cede to them Huish and East Bagborough,
' Close Rolls, 1227-1231, p. 437. Finitim, vol. i., pp. 205, 207.
* Ibid. p. 499. ■• Ibid. p. 212.
* Ibid. p. 505 ; Exccrpta e Rotulis * Close Rolls, 1231-1234, p. 59.
CH. II. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 65
retaining only the overlordship with certain services
and reversionary rights. ^ Altogether, his barony
comprised fifteen knights' fees of his grandfather
William Paynell of Hooton, and twelve and a half fees
of his cousin Maurice of Gaunt. ^
In 1 242, Andrew Luttrell was summoned to per-
form military service against the Scots. ^ He was
appointed Sheriff of Lincolnshire in 1251, but in the
following year he paid three marks of gold for exemp-
tion during the remainder of his life from serving as
justice, sheriff, bailiff, or juror. * He also obtained
from the King a grant of free warren on his paternal
estates at Gamston and Bridgeford in Nottingham-
shire, and a grant, or rather confirmation, of a weekly
market and a yearly fair at Irnham, which was prob-
ably his ordinary residence. ^ Hooton he made over
to his eldest son Geoffrey, and East Quantockshead
to his second son Alexander, presumably on the oc-
casions of their respective marriages. ^ At different
times in the course of his life, he granted or con-
firmed lands and rights to the Abbey of Drax, founded
by William Paynell, to the Priory of Nostell, to the
Abbey of Roche, and to the Hospital of St. Mark at
Billeswick near Bristol, founded by Maurice of Gaunt. ^
Sir Andrew Luttrell died in 1265,^ leaving a widow
Pernel, who was living in 1267, ^ three sons and a
daughter ; —
Geoffrey, ancestor of the Luttrells of Irnham.
• Feet of Fines, Divers Counties, pp. 295, 392.
24 Henry n I, (Green, vol. i. p. 368.) ; ® Roles Gascons, Vol. i. p. 498. See
Somersetshire Picas (S. R. S.), p. 173. below.
' Pipe Roll 39 Hen. HI. Yorkshire. ' Burton's Monasticon Eboracense ;
' Roles Gascons (ed. Michel), vol. i. Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. i. pp.
p. 26. 147, 170; vol. iii. p. 172.
* List of Sheriffs, p. 78; Calendar ^ Calendar of Inquisitions, \o\. '\. pp.
of Patent Rolls, 1247-1258, p. 133. 192, 195.
■'' Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. i. » Giffard's Register.
66 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ii.
Alexander, ancestor of the Luttrells of East Quan-
tockshead, Chilton, and Dunster.
Robert, a clerk and a graduate. He was, in 1262,
presented by his father to the rectory of Irnham/
He founded three chantries, at Irnham, Stamford
and Sempringham respectively, about the year
1303. ^ He died in 131 5, being at that time a
Canon of Salisbury. ^
Annora the wife of Sir Hugh Boby. ^
Alexander Luttrell, the second son, received
from his father Andrew, a grant of the manor of
East Quantockshead and the advowson of the church
there, to be held by him and the heirs of his body
for ever at a yearly rent of a pair of gilt spurs or
6c/. at Whitsuntide. ^ After the death of Sir Andrew
Luttrell, this grant was confirmed by his son and heir
Geoffrey, ^ and, after the death of Margery the relict
of Maurice of Gaunt, her son. Sir Roger de Somery,
in 1269, released all his possible rights in East Quan-
tockshead and conveyed it to Alexander Luttrell in
fee. ^ At one period of his life, Alexander Luttrell
held some land at Hickling in Nottinghamshire. *
In 1266, Alexander Luttrell obtained from the
King the custody of his elder brother, Sir Geoffrey,
who had lost the use of his reason. ^ In 1 270, he
embarked for the Holy Land in the retinue of the
King's eldest son, Edward, leaving the management
of his affairs at home in the hands of a neighbour,
' Grosseteste's Register ; Heralds' 6i, f. 74 ; Picture of Our Lady, f. 97.
College MS. Picture of Our Lady, * D.C.M. xxii. i.
f. 97. « Ibid.
* Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. vii, ^ Ibid.; Somerset Fines (ed. Green),
p. 948. vol. i. p. 226.
' Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1313- ® Heralds' College MS. Vincent 7,
/5J7, p. 280 ; Calendar of Close Rolls, ff. 53, 88.
131S-132J. p. 102. ^ Patent Rolls 50 Hen. III. m. 15 ;
* Heralds' College MS. Vincent 52 Hen. HI. m. 3.
CH. II. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER, 67
Sir Warin de Raleigh, whom he appointed his at-
torney for four years. ^ It is very doubtful whether
he returned from the Crusade. The fact of his death
was known in Somerset at the beginning of April
1273, when the king's escheator took possession of
his lands. ^ Sir Alexander left issue two sons under age
and a daughter : —
Andrew, his heir.
John, who occurs in 1305 in connexion with a wife
named Rose. ^
Annora, under age in 1 279, who seems to have married
her neighbour Ralph Fitzurse of Williton. ^
Sir Alexander Luttrell's wife was Margery daugh-
ter and coheiress of Thomas son of William, from
whom she received some land at Royton, Thorp, and
Healey in Lancashire, which she and her husband
sold to Sir John Byron. ^ In July 1273, she received
by way of dower a stone-roofed house opposite to
the hall of her late husband's manor of East Quan-
tockshead, another small house similarly roofed, two
cow-houses, a chamber over the gate, an old garden
adjoining the houses, two ponds, a third of the dove-
cot, and various lands, services and rents, carefully
specified in the King's writ, and representing in all a
third of the estate. ** The heir being a minor, she
also obtained a lease of the other two thirds for a
year and half. ^
Before long, however, she got into trouble by mar-
rying Sir Giles of Fishbourne, a knight who served
' Rymer's Fcedera, vol. i. p. 484; m.9; D.C.M. xxxii. 100 ; xxxiii. i.
Close Roll 54 Hen. III. m.6(/. * Close Roll 54 Hen. HI. m. 5^^;
^ RoUili Hundredonim, vol. n. p. 12S; Lancashire Fines (ed. Farrer), vol. i.
Fine Rolls, i Edw. I. m. 21. p. 133 ; Calendar of Close Rolls, 1272-
^ Heralds' College MS. Picture of 12^9, p. 246.
Our Lady, f. 7yd ; Vincent 92. ^ Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 2^2-1 27^,
* Assize Rolls, no. 1224, m. 12 ; no. p. 24.
1242, m. 2d ; no. 758, m. 21 ; no. 1345, ' Rotuli Hundredorum, vol. ii. p. 125.
68 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ii.
in the Welsh wars of Edward the First. A widow
whose husband held land directly under the Crown
was not, in those days, a free agent. She could not
re-marry without royal licence, granted sometimes as
a favour to one of the parties, sometimes in consider-
ation of a pecuniary fine. Margery Luttrell and Sir
Giles of Fishbourne cannot have been ignorant of the
law on this subject, but they may reasonably have
supposed that she was at liberty to marry whomsoever
she chose, inasmuch as her late husband's lands were
held under the feudal lord of Irnham. Sir Geoffrey
Luttrell, the lunatic, had, however, died in the early
part of 1 270, leaving as his heir a son under age, who
became a ward of the King.^ All wardships pertain-
ing to this heir, such as that of the son of Sir Alexander
Luttrell, had passed without question to the King, and
the agents of the Crown alleged that Sir Alexander
had held direct of the King during the minority of
the intermediate lord. On this ground they contended
that Margery was one of the King's widows, and Sir
Ralph of Sandwich seized East Quantockshead, in the
name of his royal master, on account of her offence.
The course of the subsequent proceedings is not very
clear. Sir Giles and Margery were certainly married
as early as 1276 ; an undated petition for redress was
apparently referred to the Parliament of 1278, but it
was not until 1280 that Sir Giles of Fishbourne receiv-
ed formal pardon of his marriage. ^
Andrew Luttrell, the eldest son of Sir Alexander,
was, as we have seen, a minor at the time of his father's
death. The custody of the manor of East Quantocks-
• Patent Roll 54 Hen. HI. m. 8. p. 363 ; Calauiar of Patent Rolls, 12J2-
* Rotuli Parliamentorum, vol. i. p. 1281, p. 384.
5; Calendar of Close Rolls I2y2-i2yg,
CH. II. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 69
head, or rather of his two thirds of it, was, in the
autumn of 1 274, committed to Robert Tibetot by the
King, as guardian of his overlord, the son of Sir
Geoffrey Luttrell. ^ Andrew Luttrell was, in 1301,
summoned to perform miUtary service against the
Scots, being reckoned as belonging to Devonshire,
where he held land at Whitwell. ^ He was knighted
in due course, and he was living in 1310.^ While
still in his teens, and during the lifetime of his father,
he had, in 1 270, married Elizabeth daughter of Sir
Warin de Raleigh. * He appears to have left three
sons : —
Alexander, his heir.
John, ancestor of the Luttrells of Dunster.
Andrew, a clerk. When instituted to the rectory of
East Quantockshead at a very early age, in April
1 329, on the nomination of Sir Alexander Luttrell,
he took an oath to study diligently at an English
University. Formal leave of absence for this purpose
was granted to him a few months later. His dio-
cesan allowed him to be ordained acolyte in Decem-
ber of that year and subdeacon in the following
February, by some other bishop, and his leave of
absence was renewed in December 1330. In March
1337, he received permission to stay in the service
of his brother John. A priest was appointed to
succeed him at East Quantockshead in 1341. ^
Alexander Luttrell, the eldest son of Sir Andrew,
was born about 1285. *^ He seems to have succeeded
his father in or before i 326, when he received respite
» Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 272-1 279, * D.C.M. xxii. i; Assize Roll no.
p. 103 ; Assize Roll no. 1224, m. 106. 1224, mm. 106, 14.
» Palgrave's Parliamentary Writs, ^ Drokcnsford's Register (S.R.S.), p.
vol. i. p. 351 ; Feudal Aids vol. i. 300 ; /?a//'//'s iet^zs/er (S.R.S.), pp.6, 20,
p. 329. 31.64,313,330,433-
s D.C.M. XXII. I ; XXXVII. i. 6Inq.postmortem,C.Edw.in,filei9(3).
70 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ii.
from taking knighthood. ^ He was knighted by
Edward the Third at the coronation in the early part
of February 1327. ^ In the same year, a friar minor
of Bridgewater was Ucensed by the bishop of the
diocese to act as confessor to Sir Alexander Luttrell
and his household. ^ In 1342, Sir Alexander Luttrell
was one of the collectors of the King's wool in the
county of Somerset. * The manor of East Quantocks-
head was, in 1329, settled on him and Mary his
wife. ^ On the authority of some manuscript at
Brymore, Thomas Palmer, followed as usual by
CoUinson and by Savage, states that this lady was
a daughter of Sir Thomas Trivet the judge. * Inas-
much, however, as Sir Thomas Trivet died in 1283,
this does not appear probable. ^ On the other hand,
it is almost certain that she was nearly related to the
Mandevilles. In 1322, the manor of Hardington
was settled on Robert de Mandeville, the last male
of the family, for his life, with remainder to Alexander
Luttrell and Mary his wife in tail, and ultimate re-
mainder to the heirs of Robert de Mandeville. ^ Fur-
thermore, Thomas Luttrell, son of Alexander and
Mary, was, in 1349, found to be cousin and heir of
Peter of Falconbridge, who is known to have been the
nephew of Robert de Mandeville. *
There is at Dunster an agreement by which the
Master and brethren of St Mark's House at Billes-
wick undertook, in 1340, to pay 10/. a year out of
' Parliamentary Writs, vol. ii. part * Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1321-
I. pp. 743, 751. -^527, p. 178 ; Inq. ad quod damnum,
' Exchequer Accounts, bundle 383, files 128, no. 14 ; 152, no. 19; 161, no. i.
no. 4. Mr. J, Batten, who did not know of the
* Drokensford's Register, p. 282. entail, suggests that Luttrell was " on-
* Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 341-1343, ly a trustee, " because he alienated the
pp. 507, 519, 540. manor some years later. Historical
* Feet of Fines, (S.R.S.), vol. ii. p. 138. Notes on South Somerset, p. 134.
^ MS. at St. Audries. * Inq. post mortem, 23 Edw. III.
' Foss's Judges of England. no. 56 ; Batten, p. 135.
CH. II. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 71
their manor of Pawlet to Sir Alexander Luttrell and
Lucy his wife for their lives, if Sir Alexander would
quitclaim to them all his right in the manor of
Stockland Gaunt, concerning which a suit was pend-
ing in the King's court. The record of the suit,
which was argued at some length on a technical
point, shows that Sir Alexander Luttrell claimed that
his grandfather of the same name had been enfeoffed
by Sir Geoffrey Luttrell in the reign of Edward the
First. ^ In the same year, 1340, the manor of East
Quantockshead, with the exception of eight messuages,
two mills, and a hundred and forty-eight acres of
land, was settled on Sir Alexander Luttrell and his
second wife Lucy, with remainder to his heirs. ^
In I 343, Sir Alexander Luttrell arranged a marriage
between his eldest son, Thomas, and Joan daughter of
Sir John Palton, and undertook to give them i o/. a
year out of the manor of East Quantockshead. He
also settled on them the reversion, after his own
death, of the messuages, mills and land which had been
excepted from the settlement on his second wife.
Sir John Palton on the other hand undertook to pay
him 200 marks, and to maintain the young couple
during the life of Sir Alexander. '
Five years later. Sir Alexander Luttrell conveyed
the whole manor to Sir John Palton, and Thomas
Luttrell and Joan his wife in tail, for a yearly rent of
40 marks and of a robe worth 40J. or 40J. in money.
They at the same time demised to him for his life a
hall with certain rooms, a close called La Neweleygh-
ton, a stable in the outer court of the manor house,
the hay growing at La Reghmede, and fuel, * house-
• Placita de Banco, no. 239. m. 94 ; * D.C.M. xxii. i ; Court of Wards
Year Book, 14 Edw. Ill, pp. 208-223. and Liveries, Deeds and Evidences,
» Feet 0) Fines, (S.R.S.), vol. ii. p. 204. 11. 2.
72 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ii.
bote ' and ' haybote. ' Lastly, at the end of March 1354,
he conveyed the manor and the advowson of East
Quantockshead to Sir John Palton and Thomas
Luttrell at the reduced rent of 20/. ^ In the follow-
ing month, he was killed at Watchet, together with
Alexander Montfort and John Strechleye. Several
persons were found guilty of murder, and others were
declared to have been present and assisting. ^
Thomas Luttrell, son and successor of Sir
Alexander, was born about the year 1324. ^ During
the lifetime of his father, in 1 346, the manor of
Milton Falconbridge and other lands near Martock,
which descended to him through his mother, were
settled on him and Joan his wife in tail, with remain-
der to his heirs. * This property seems, however, to
have been alienated ere long. In 1359, Thomas
Luttrell acquired full possession of the manor and
advowson of East Quantockshead by means of a re-
lease from his father-in-law. Sir Thomas Palton, and
in the following year he caused the manor to be
settled on himself and his second wife Denise. ^ This
lady is stated to have survived him and to have mar-
ried secondly Thomas Popham. ^ She was apparently
the mother of the last Luttrell of East Quantockshead
in the direct line.
John Luttrell, only son of Thomas, succeeded in
the later part of the reign of Edward the Third. It
is stated that, in 1 366, Sir Andrew Luttrell of Irnham
granted the wardship of this John Luttrell to Sir
Baldwin Malet of Enmore, ^ and a reference to the
1 D.C.M. XXII. I ; Assize Roll no. * D.C.M. xxxvii. 36.
1448. m. 52. ■' D.C.M. xxii. I, 2.
2 Assize Roll no. 772. m. 23^. "^ Palmer MS. at St. Audries.
* Inq.postmortem,23Edw.III.no.56. ' Ibid. The reference is apparent-
CH. II. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 73
pedigree of the Luttrells of Irnham shows that Sir
Andrew was at that date the overlord of East Quan-
tockshead. The manor and the advowson were, in
1398, settled on John Luttrell and Joan his wife, ^
who is stated to have been daughter and coheiress of
Thomas Kingston. ^ At the coronation of Henry the
Fourth in 1399, John Luttrell was created one of the
Knights of the Bath. ^ In March 1 400, the King
took him into his permanent service, and gave him
an annuity of 40/. out of the issues of the county of
Somerset. * A year later, the King granted him a
further annuity of 1 6/. payable at the Exchequer,
and confirmed to him an annuity of 10/., granted by
John of Gaunt out of the revenues of the Duchy of
Lancaster. ^ Sir John Luttrell was Sheriff of Somer-
set and Dorset for a year beginning in the autumn of
1401. ^ In the summer of 1403, he took up arms
on the King's behalf " to resist the malice of a
certain Sir Henry Percehaye, knight, " that is to say
to oppose the rising of the Percies, the Mortimers
and Owen Glendower. By a will expressing this in-
tention and dated the 20th of May, he directed that
if he should die without lawful issue before returning
to his mansion at East Quantockshead, the manor and
the advowson of the church there and his lands at
Alfoxton and Watchet should, after payment of his
debts, be conveyed by his feoffees to his cousin Sir
Hugh Luttrell and the heirs of his body, or, failing
ly to an original MS. at Dunster, but ' D.C.M. xxii. 4.
Thomas Palmer, or his copyist, must * Palmer MS. Here again the
have made some mistake. There is no reference to a MS. at Dunster is in-
such deed of grant at Dunster now, correct.
and there is no mention of it in the ^ Holinshed'sCAron/dt^.vol. ii. p.511.
compilations of Prynne and Narcissus * Calendar of Patent Rolls, isgg-
Luttrell. It would probably have re- 1401, p. 238.
mained among the muniments of the * Ibid. p. 549.
Malet family. * List of Sheriffs, p. 123.
K
74 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ii.
them, to the heirs and assigns of John Venables. ^
According to Palmer, he made a supplementary will
on the 4th of June, which was proved on the 4th of
August in the same year. By this, it is stated, he di-
rected that some land at Williton was to be conveyed to
Thomas Popham for life, with remainder to his own
maternal brother, Richard Popham, and the heirs of his
body, and, in default of such, to be sold for the benefit
of his soul, the souls of his ancestors, and the soul of
John Fitzurse. The manor of Iwood was to be sold
for the payment of his debts. There was a legacy of
20/. to Dame Cecily Berkeley, which, if renounced,
was to be laid out for her soul's health. Lastly, he is
stated to have made provision for " four of his servant
maids and certain children they were mothers of. "
Elsewhere, Palmer states that in the 14th year of
Edward IV (1474), Anne Watts, widow, gave land at
Wellow and money to the Priory of Barlinch, in order
that divine service might be performed for the souls of
her brother Richard Luttrell, their mother Mary, her
own two husbands, Robert Bulsham and Richard
Watts, and her daughter by Bulsham, Agnes the
wife of Peter Bampfield of Hardington. ^ Richard
Luttrell was constable of Dunster Castle from 1430
to 1 449, and perhaps longer. ^ He lived in a house on
the site of the present Luttrell Arms Hotel. Under
an entail of 1449, he might have succeeded to the
whole Barony of Dunster, but he died without lawful
issue, and, as he was a bastard, his property at Kents-
ford near Watchet escheated to his overlord, James
Luttrell of Dunster. *
' D.C.M. I. 15. The seal attached » MS. at St Audries.
to this document, although professing ' D.C.M. xviii. 3, 4.
to be that of the testator, is clearly not < Inq. post mortem, i Edw. IV. no.
his. It bears a shield charged with 43 : D.C.M. i. 23, 25. An erasure in
six cross-crosslets, a castle for crest, the letters patent is remarkable,
and the initials " R.C. "
CHAPTER III.
The Luttrells of Chilton and Dunster
1337—1485-
The direct line of the Luttrells of East Quantocks-
head having come to an end in the person of Sir John
Luttrell, K.B. most of their lands passed to a younger
branch which already had property in Devonshire.
John Luttrell, the founder of this younger branch,
is distinctly stated in a brief of the time of Henry the
Sixth to have been brother of Sir Andrew Luttrell of
East Quantockshead, ' but a careful examination of
dates makes it almost certain that he was his son.
When, in March 1337, Edward the Third conferred
the title of Duke of Cornwall upon his eldest son
Edward, and created six earls, he solemnly dubbed
a number of knights, of whom this John Luttrell
was one. ^ In the very same month, Andrew Luttrell
the youthful rector of East Quantockshead received
episcopal licence to stay for a while in the service of
his brother John. ' In the same year, Sir John Lut-
trell acquired property at Chilton in the parish of
Thorverton in Devon. * He also had land at Lundy
Island. ^ He is sometimes described as ' lord of
' D.C.M. XXXV. 24. (A.D. 1471.) p. 300.
* Cotton MS. Faustina, B. VI. f. 87. ■• Inq. ad quod damnum, file 239,
Cf. Stow's Annals, p. 233, and Chro?ii- no. 10.
coti Galfridi le Baker (1889), p. 58. * Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 343-1 346,
•* Drokensford's Register (S.R.S.), p. 673.
76 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. hi.
Chilton,' and his manor there was known as Chilton
Luttrell. ^ He was a commissioner of array in i 347
and 1359, and he was returned to Parliament as one
of the knights of the shire of Devon in 1360 and
1363. - The date of his death is not known. His
relict Joan survived until 1378. ^
Andrew Luttrell, son of Sir John and Joan, estab-
lished the fortunes of his family by his marriage with
Elizabeth, relict of Sir John de Vere, son of the Earl
of Oxford, a lady of the most illustrious lineage. Her
father, Hugh, Earl of Devon, one of the companions
in arms of Edward the Third, and one of the original
Knights of the Garter, was head of the noble house
of Courtenay. Her mother, Margaret, was daughter
of Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex,
Constable of England, " the flower of knighthood and
the most Christian knight of the knights of the world,"
by Elizabeth his wife, daughter of King Edward the
First. Her eldest brother was, like her father, an
original Knight of the Garter ; a second brother be-
came Archbishop of Canterbury; a third Lieutenant of
Ireland, and a fourth Governor of Calais. Through
her sisters, she was closely connected with the Lords
Cobham and Harington.
Lady Elizabeth Vere was a widow in 1350. On
the occasion of her marriage to Andrew Luttrell,
in the summer of 1359, Edward the Third gave
them an annuity of 200/. for their lives, in aid of the
maintenance of their social position. * In 1 361, Sir
Andrew Luttrell and his wife went on pilgrimage to
' OVi-ver's Monasticon Dioecesis Exon. i Ric. II. no. 22; 8 Ric. II. no. 26.
p. 123 ; D.C.M. II. 9. Escheators' Enrolled Accounts (L. T.
2 Return of Members of Parliament, R.) 3, m. 31 ; 5, m. 31 ; 8, m. 11; 9,
vol. i. pp. 163, 172. m. 36.
* There is some contradiction about ■• Patent Rolls, 24 Edw. Ill, part 2,
the exact date. Inq. post mortem, m, 26; 33 Edw. III. m. 25.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ^^
the famous shrine of Santiago de Compostella, with a
retinue of twenty-four men and women and as many-
horses. ^ The lady was for some time in the service
of her cousins, Edward ' the Black Prince ' and the
' Fair Maid of Kent, ' his wife. The annuity of 200/.
was confirmed by Richard the Second in 1378, and
renewed in favour of Lady Luttrell in 1381, her
husband having died in the interval. ^ In the mean-
while, Lady Luttrell had, with part of her savings,
bought the reversion of the manors of Feltwell in
Norfolk, and Moulton, Debenham and Waldingfield
in Suffolk. ^ A charter of free warren therein was
issued in her favour in 1373. * She also acquired the
right of appointing two of the canons of the priory
of Flitcham. ^
The most important pecuniary transaction of this
Lady Luttrell was, however, her purchase of the
reversion of the castle of Dunster, the manors of
Kilton, Minehead and Carhampton and the hundred
of Carhampton, of five thousand marks.^ As she pre-
deceased the vendor, she never obtained actual posses-
sion of this valuable property. Dying at Bermondsey
on the 7th of August 1395, she was buried, by her
own desire, in the Benedictine Church of St. Nicholas
at Exeter. ^ Edmund Stafford, Bishop of Exeter, in
August of that year, ordered public prayers to be
offered throughout his diocese for the souls of Mar-
garet Cobham and Elizabeth Luttrell, sisters of the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and, by way of encourage-
ment, promised an indulgence of forty days to the
faithful who should pray for them. ^
1 Close Roll, 35 Edw. HI. m. 22. * D.C.M. xxxvii. 38.
- Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1377- ^ Pp. 50, 52, 53. above.
13S1, p. 170 ; 13S1-13S5, p. 15. ' Inq. post mortem, 19 Ric. II. nos.
* D.C.M. XXXVII, 38-42. 47, 48 ; D.C.M. xxxvii. 42.
* Charter Roll, 47 Edw. III. * Stafford's Register, vol. i. f. 46.
78 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
Hugh Luttrell, son of Sir Andrew and Elizabeth,
was born about 1364. By the successive deaths of
his grandmother Dame Joan Luttrell in 1378, and
of his elder brother John, soon afterwards, he became
heir to the small paternal estate at Chilton in Devon-
shire, but he did not obtain actual possession of it
until 1385, when he was in the King's service
abroad. ^ He was for a time an esquire in the house-
hold of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster. ^ At the
beginning of 1390, he is mentioned as a knight
having influence at Court, and, two months later, he
took part in some jousts at St. Inglevert near Calais. ^
In consideration of his services, he received from
Richard the Second, in 1391, a grant of an annuity
of 20/. out of the confiscated English property of the
priory of St. Nicholas at Angers. * Four years later,
a further annuity of 40/. was granted to him, on his
undertaking to remain with Richard the Second for
life. ^ By the death of his mother, in 1395, he got a
considerable accession of property. He was also
given the reversion of the keepership of the forest of
Gillingham and the constableship of the castle of
Leeds in Kent. ^ In 1394 and again in 1399, he ac-
companied his royal master and kinsman to Ireland. ^
The accession of the house of Lancaster proved no
detriment to Sir Hugh Luttrell. Henry the Fourth,
son of his old patron, had not been on the throne
many weeks before he confirmed to him his annuities
of 60/. and the forestership of Gillingham, and gave
• Inq. post mortem, i Ric. II. no. 22; History of England, vol. ii. p. 91).
8 Ric. II. no. 26. Escheators' En- * Calendar of Patent Rolls, 13SS-
rolled Accounts, 7, m. 52 ; 8, mm. 11, 1392, p. 465.
17 ; 9, m. 36. * Calendar of Patent Rolls, ijgi-
^ Duchy of Lancaster, Miscellaneous 1396, p. 620.
Books, no. 14, f. 6d. ^ Ibid. p. 422.
3 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1388- ^ Ibid. p. 476.
1392, p. 181 ; Pichon (quoted in Wylie's
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 79
him 5/. a year in lieu of the constableship of Leeds.
The letters patent to this effect were, however, sur-
rendered and cancelled in 1404, when the King
remitted to him a sum of 482/. 8/. 11^. due to the
Exchequer in respect of lands farmed by him in Kent. ^
Sir Hugh Luttrell was at Calais in 1400, in some
capacity unspecified. ^ His receiver in the west of
England sent 22 marks to him " by the hands of John
Luttrell, son of Richard Lutrell, at his coming from
Calec, at the feast of the Nativity of St. John in the
fourth year," that is to say at Midsummer 1403.^
On the death of his cousin, Sir John Luttrell, K.B.
in that year, he succeeded to the estate at East Quan-
tockshead. His receiver paid " to Richard, rector
of Cantokeshede, to pay to the executors of Sir John
Lutrell for divers things bought for the use of my
lord, 10/, 1 3 J. 4^. ", and also "to the same executors,
by the hands of Richard Popham, by indenture,
6 marks. " * Later in the same year. Sir Hugh was
appointed one of the ambassadors to treat with the
Commissioners of the King of France and afterwards
with the Commissioners of the Duke of Burgundy. ^
Several of their official letters have been preserved,
and in one of them he is specifically described as
Lieutenant of Calais. ^ In the spring of 1 404, he was
appointed Mayor of Bordeaux by royal authority,
but his stay in Gascony cannot have been long,
although no successor to him was appointed until
March 1406.^
' Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1399- 14, 7-
1401, p. 142 ; Memoranda Roll, K.R. * Royal and Historical Letters (ed.
5 Hen. IV. Hingeston), pp. 170, 177, 186, 188, 194,
» Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1399- 197, 202, 204.
1401, p. 271. ^ Proceedings of the Privy Council
^ D.C.M. I. 14. (ed. Nicolas), vol. i. p. 223 ; Gascon
4 Ibid. Rolls 3-5 Hen. IV. m. 2 ; 6 Hen. IV.
« French Roll, 4 & 5 Hen. IV. mm. m. 5.
8o A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. hi.
Sir Hugh Luttrell was elected one of the knights
of the shire for Somerset in the Parhament which was
summoned to meet at Coventry on the 6th of October
1404, and he was paid for forty-six days' personal
attendance. ^
Two days before the meeting of that Parliament,
Lady de Mohun died, and it is not likely that Sir
Hugh Luttrell lost any time in putting forward his
claim to the estate of which his mother had bought
the reversion from her some twenty-eight years pre-
viously. In the first instance, however, the escheator
intervened on behalf of the Crown, and on the 17th
of October, the King, anticipating complications,
gave a temporary lease of the Mohun property to
William Grene and John Lawrence, esquires, for a
considerable rent. These lessees remained in occu-
pation of Dunster until the 17th of February 1405,
when Sir Hugh Luttrell presumably obtained posses-
sion.^ He was certainly established there a few months
later. His household accounts for that year supply
various notices of his proceedings in Somerset and of
his going to Wales to fight against Owen Glendower.
July 3. " Paid by order of my lord for the expenses of
a varlet of my lady the Countess of La Marche sent with her
letters to my lord, as in his horse being in the town, 1 5^</. "
July 8. " Paid by order of my lord for the expenses of
the horses of the Earl of Pembroke riding towards the King,
%od. " ''
July 29. " In a pottle of wine because of the Archdeacon
of Taunton, \d. "
July 31. " Paid by order of my lord to William Godwyn
for so much borrowed of him on the day on which the beasts
on Exmore were brought together, 3J. \d. "
1 Close Roll, 6 Hen. IV. m. 5^. ^ There was no Earl of Pembroke in
- Placita de Banco, no. 584, mm. 339, 1405. The person so styled was probab-
339<^- ly Reynold, Lord Grey of Ruthyn.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 8i
August 25. " In the gift of my lord to a messenger of
the King bringing to him his letters by which the King
ordered him to hasten towards the parts of Wales, 35. 4^.
Also on the same day, paid by order of my lord for the
expenses of the horses of the Earl of Pembroke returning
from the King and those of other strangers, 35. ^^d. "
September 11, " In a cart twice carrying victuals from
the castle to the haven towards my lord who was in Wales,
6^. " " Also on the same day paid for six standards of my
lord's arms delivered to divers ships of Minhede carrying
victuals to my lord in the parts of Wales, 2s. "
" Also paid in the expenses of my lord and his household
riding towards the King who was at Leicestre and absent for
four whole weeks, 4/. 155. 8^. Also paid to John Cotes at
his lodging at Henyngham, my lord being there, as more
fully appears in indentures made between my lord and him,
4/. 13J. 4^. "
September 12. " Paid to two armourers cleaning my
lord's armour for fourteen days and a half, at 14^. a day,
both for them and for a servant who waited on them (famulo
eisdem servienti) for the same time, i6s. iid.
October 2. " In bread and ale bought for certain seamen
who were in the ship (batella) Howell sent to the parts of
Wales to get news of my lord who was there in the retinue
of the King, lid. "
October 9. "In 88 wheaten loaves bought and sent to
mv lord in the parts of Wales, every loaf at a halfpenny,
3/. %d. "
October 23. "In horse bread bought for the horses of
my lord who was at Dunstre, 22^. "
October 26. " Delivered to my lord going on pilgrimage
to the Chapel of the Holy Trinity of Bircombe, i id. "
The chapel thus mentioned may probably be identi-
fied with a small ruin now known as ' Burgundy
Chapel, ' standing a little above the sea in a secluded
valley on the west side of Minehead, not far from
Greenaleigh Farm. Sir Hugh Luttrell evidently held
82 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. hi.
it in special honour, for, in several subsequent years,
he gave considerable sums " to a chaplain celebrating
in the chapel of Byrcombe " on his account.
November 13. " To two armourers cleaning my lord's
armour for eleven days, at 4^. a day apiece, yj. 4^. In fresh
lard (sepo porci) for the same, qd. "
" In the gift of my lady to Thomas Kynge riding towards
Saunton as her messenger, ^d.
" In the gift of my lord to John the charioteer (Charettier)
bringing my lady from London to Dunsterre, 20;, and fDr
certain expenses incurred and paid by him, as he stated, 1 5^."
December 20. " In the gift of my lord, by his order, to
two servants of the Prior of Dunsterre who presented to my
lady twelve capons, two little bacon-pigs and four bushels of
green peas, 1 6d. " (The mention of green peas at Christmas
is interesting.)
" For hose and shoes necessary to William Russel and
Robert the keeper of the horses, because of the approach of
Christmas, 20^. In paid for the fur of six gowns (togarum)
of my lady and her daughters, against the same feast, 45. lod. "
" Also, on the same day, in the gift of my lord to a varlet
of John Clifton bringing two bucks from Gillingham, 20^.
Also on Christmas Eve, in rushes bought to strew in the
hall and the chambers, 6d. Also, on Christmas Day, in the
offerings of the servants of the household distributed in the
church, by order of my lord, is. '*
December 26. " In the gift of my lord to three tenants
of John Cobleston who played before him 3^. 4^. In the
gift of the same to six tenants of Dunsterre who played
before him, 3J. ^d. In the gift of the same to several children
of Minhede who danced before him, 20^.
December 27. " In wine bought and conveyed from
Taunton on account of the feast held by my lord, 75. "
1406. January 5. " In the gift of my lord to two servants
of my lady of Pawlet who brought the carcase of an ox and
a boar and a live ' grue,' and presented them to my lady, 6i.
8^; and in the expenses of their horses that were in the town
for a night, 1 7^. Also on the same day in the gift of my
lord to a servant of William Godwyn who brought a boar
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 83
and presented it to my lady against Christmas, lod. Also
in the gift of my lord to the Clerks of St. Nicholas, i2d. " ^
The clerks of St. Nicholas were probably boys
connected with the Priory of Dunster, of whom one
styled the ' boy bishop ' was, by irreverent custom,
allowed to perform certain religious functions in
church between the feast of St. Nicholas and that of
the Holy Innocents, in the month of December. ^
Amid the merriment of the first Christmas that
Sir Hugh kept at his new home, he had cause for
grave anxiety, his title to Dunster, Minehead, Car-
hampton and Kilton being challenged by the coheirs
of Sir John and Lady de Mohun. Edward, Duke of
York and Philippa his wife, Elizabeth, Countess of
Salisbury, and Richard, Lord Strange of Knockin, a
formidable combination, had already begun legal pro-
ceedings with a view to recovering the estates of which
the reversion had been sold to Lady Luttrell. On the
14th of May 1405, the King had appointed nine
special commissioners, including the two Chief Justices
and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, to take an
assize of novel disseisin in the matter. ^
The household accounts of Sir Hugh Luttrell con-
tain several allusions to the suit : —
1405. July 10. " For expenses incurried by my lord
himself and strangers who came to him at Yevelchestre,
because his adversaries intended on that day to have arrained
the assize against him, 67;. iid.
1406. January 3. " Paid for four quires of paper bought,
IS. Paid for twelve skins of parchment on which to write
the evidences of my lord, at Briggewater, 25. %d. In the
expenses of John Bacwell about the writing of the said
' D.C.M. XXXVII. 7. times. Hone's Ancient Mysteries, Max-
* For boy bishops see Brand's Poj)U- well Lyte's History of Eton College, etc.
lar Antiquities, Warton's History of ^ Patent Roll, 6 Hen. IV. part 2,
English Poetry, Strutt's Sports and Pas- m. 22d.
84 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. hi.
evidences and other affairs of my lord, who was there for six
days, 12;. "
January 5. " In the expenses of my lord who came to
Brigewater for certain causes touching his plea, 35. id.
And in his gift to a lawyer, a kinsman of Richard Popham,
6s. U. "
In Easter term 1406, Sir Hugh Luttrell brought
a subsidiary suit against Thomas, Prior of Christ
Church, Canterbury, for the delivery of the sealed
chest which Lady de Mohun had deposited in his
charge two days before her death. He was opposed
by the coheirs of Mohun, but, after full argument,
the chest was opened in the Court of Common Pleas,
and adjudicated to him, the contents being title deeds
to property of which he was in actual possession. ^
Some weeks later, a novel arrangement was made
for the determination of the main controversy.
On the 19th June, the House of Commons sent
up a petition praying that the suit concerning the
castle and manor of Dunster, the manors of Mine-
head, Kilton, and Carhampton, and the hundred of
Carhampton, with their appurtenances, should be
referred to the award and judgement of four lords of
the realm and all the justices. To this the Duke of
York, on behalf of himself and his parceners agreed,
stipulating only that the lords selected and the justices
should swear before the King in Parliament to settle
the matter according to the laws of the realm before
a certain day, without showing favour to either party.
The plaintiffs accordingly nominated two laymen, the
Lords Roos and Furnival, and the defendant nomin-
ated the Bishops of Exeter and St David's. The ist
of November was moreover fixed as the latest day for
their decision. The Bishop of Exeter and the two lay
• Placita de Banco, no. 581, m. 119.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 85
lords took the stipulated oaths on the spot, and Par-
liamentary authority was given to the King's Council
to receive the oaths of the other arbitrators during
the recess then about to begin. Seven of the judges
were sworn before the King and the Bishop of
Durham, then Chancellor of England, at the house
of the latter on the 3rd of July, William Gascoigne,
the Chief Justice being absent. It was not, however,
until the 22nd of October that the court was fully
constituted, the Bishop of St David's then taking the
oath, together with Laurence Drue who had been
substituted for the Bishop of Exeter. The arguments
seem to have been continued, by consent of the part-
ies, beyond the date originally fixed for the decision,
but without any result, no definite issue having been
joined, and the parties being still " f ;^ travers. "^
At some unspecified date in November or Decem-
ber, the Commons took up the matter again on behalf
of Sir Hugh Luttrell, who sat among them as one of
the members for Devonshire. Contrasting " the poor
estate of the said Hugh " with " the great estates " of
his adversaries, they prayed that the special assize
should be repealed, unless concerned with evidence
already produced, and that no fresh commission for a
special assize should be issued. They further prayed
that if a suit should be instituted for trial by the
country in the normal manner, nobody should be
put on the jury who had not 40/. a year in land, and
they ended by observing that the estates in question
were of great value and the parties powerful persons,
so that " mischief and riot " might easily arise unless
special precautions were taken. To this the King
replied that the statute made should be observed, and
' Rotuli Paliamentoruni, vol. iii. pp. 577, 578.
86 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. hi.
that the Sheriff of Somerset should be sworn before
the Council to empanel the most sufficient and im-
partial persons in his bailiwick. ^
There is at Dunster Castle an original deposition
made by Sir Baldwin Malet at Enmore on the 30th
of December 1406, that he and other military tenants
of the Honour of Dunster had duly recognised the
conveyance made by Sir John and Lady de Mohun
to the Bishop of London and other trustees. Attach-
ed to it is an undated list of the principal men of
Somerset, classified as " knights, " " esquires with
100 marks at the least," and " esquires with 40/. at the
least." Dots against the names of twelve persons of
the second category suggest that they were to be
empanelled as a jury. ^ Nevertheless it seems fairly
clear that the case was heard at Ilchester, in Michael-
mas term, by special commissioners, probably the
whole judicial bench, as Markham and Hankford,
who had not been nominated in the commission of
the 14th of May 1405, took part in the proceedings.
The two Chief Justices, the Chief Baron, and other
judges were certainly present, and a long array of
Serjeants and counsel. Robert Tirwhit conducted the
case for the plaintiffs, and Robert Hill for the defend-
ant. Some of their arguments have been reported at
considerable length, dealing with highly technical
points of law. For the present purpose it is sufficient
to note that the plaintiffs disputed the validity in law
of certain transactions subsequent to the entail of
1346.^ The report ends abruptly with an adjourn-
ment, and all that we know further about the matter
is that Sir Hugh Luttrell remained in possession.
Sir Hugh Luttrell was again returned as a knight
' Roiiili Parliamentorum, vol. iii. * D.C.M. iv. 17.
p. 597. * Year Book, Mich. 8 Hen. IV. no. 12,
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 87
of the shire for Devon in 1407. ^ Three years later,
when he was Steward of the Household of Queen
Joan, he was appointed by her to the offices of
constable of Bristol Castle and keeper of the forests
of Kingswood and Fulwood for the term of her
life. ^ In 1 41 4, he was returned to two Parliaments
as member for Somerset. There are some entries
about the constableship of Bristol in his accounts a
few years later : —
1420. " In the expenses of John, son of my lord, and
William Godwyn travelling to London for the patents of
my lord concerning Bristol, and for other business of my
lord, in going and returning, for sixteen days, in all 40J. "
" Paid to the clerk of the Pipe for searching the evidences
and record of the receipts of the Constable of Bristol and of
the dues coming to him, 35. /\.d. "
1 42 1. " Of 20/. received from William Godewyn of my
lord's fee from the castle of Bristol. "
Soon after the outbreak of the war with France,
Sir Hugh Luttrell seems to have been sent over to
Normandy as one of the councillors of the Governor
of Harfleur. ^ The following entry occurs in the roll
of his accounts for the year ending at Michaelmas
1416 : —
" In the expenses of Thomas Hody and John Bacwell
with three servants and six horses from Hampton to Dunster,
Hody was the receiver-general, and Bacwell the
domestic chaplain. In the absence of their employer,
they lodged at Dunster Castle for some weeks. The
only member of the family who is definitely stated
to have been there at this time was William Luttrell,
* Return of Members of Parliament, ^ Hall's Union of the families of
vol. i. p. 271. Lancaster and York.
2 Patent Roll, 14 Hen. IV. m. 22. ^ D.C.M. i. 16.
88 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. hi.
Sir Hugh's son, and he stayed only two weeks. His
groom and the groom of his brother John were there
for five weeks apiece.
In February 141 7, Sir Hugh Luttrell undertook,
for a sum of 286/. to serve the King in the French
war for a year, with one knight, nineteen esquires,
and sixty archers. ^ The muster of his company,
taken before embarkation a few months later, shows
that he had serving under him Sir Geoffrey Luttrell
of Irnham, the head of his family, John Luttrell, his
own son, William Godwyn, his son-in-law, and six-
teen other esquires, forty-two mounted archers and
twenty-five archers on foot. ' None of the number
were military tenants of the Honour of Dunster.
The following entries occur in the accounts kept at
Dunster : —
141 7. "Paid to three Breton prisoners going into Brit-
tany for their ransoms and those of their fellows, for their
expenses, loj. "
" In the expenses of a French friar for six weeks, at lod.
2l week, lOJ. Also of six Bretons and a page, captives, of
whom three for thirteen weeks at \Qd. a week, and three
for four weeks, and the page for ten weeks, 50J. \od. Also
of a man of Portugal for seven weeks, 8j. id. Of another
from Portugal for two weeks, is. \d.
" For the expenses of my lord travelling to the sea, on
the 8th of July, 7/. lis. \d. "
" In the passage of my lord, paid for meat taken for my
lord's hawk and expenses up to the same time, 16^." *
In the same year there is the following detailed
account : —
" The barge called the Leonard of Dounstere.
The account of Philip Clopton, master of the barge of the
I D.C.M. I. t6. * Accounts, Exchequer. K.R., bundle
» Vincent MS. { Heralds' College ) 51, no. 2.
29, f. 55. '' D.C.M. I. 16.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 89
noble lord, Sir Hugh Lutrell, knight, lord of Dounstere, as
for a voyage made by her from the port of Mynhede to
Bordeaux and back in the fifth year of the reign of King
Henry the Fifth. The same answers for 42/. los. received
for the freight of the wine of divers merchants for the
aforesaid voyage.
" In paid for food, drink, planks, nails, wages of workmen,
and other necessaries bought, and expenses, as in the repair
of the said barge, in part by the survey of the reeve of
Minhede, as appears by a shedule.... 4/. loj. lo^^'. And in
6 pieces of *tielde' bought for the covering of the ship, 13J.
4<^. In 2 rolls of * oleyn ' bought for repairing the sail 42J.
In old anchors repaired, 6s. %d. In * canevas ' bought for
repairing the aforesaid sail, yj. In empty pipes and ' barelles '
bought for placing flour in, together with grease bought for
rubbing the same barge, i \s. In 7 broad planks bought for
' alcassyng ' of the same, 6j. %d. In 5 live oxen bought at
lis. apiece, deducting 55. for hides sold, ^^s. In 2 pipes of
ale and other * barelles ' bought, 365. "
Other similar entries follow, the total gross cost of
the voyage amounting to 42/. 3/. \d.
In 1 41 8 and 141 9, Sir Hugh Luttrell was lieuten-
ant of Harfleur. He had authority also to treat with
the captains of different Norman towns that were
willing to capitulate to the English. ^ The following
entries occur in his accounts : —
141 8. "In cleaning my lord's baselard and knife, \\d. "
" In the expenses of my lady being there (at Dunster)
partly at the end of June and partly in the month of July,
for five weeks in all, as appears by a paper exhibited at the
account, 335. 5/^."
" In divers victuals bought for my lord and sent to him
at Harflete by the hands of Richard Arnolde, in money
delivered to the same Richard upon a tally, 104/. \'}^\d. "
" In a pipe of wine bought for the use of my lady and her
mother by my lord's order, as of his gift, 495. \d. "
' Norman Roll, 6 Hen. V. part i. 7 Hen. V. part i. mm. 81, 79, 23^.
mm. 15^, 13d, \od ; part 2, mm. 41, 9 ;
M
90 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. hi.
"In the expenses.... of two prisoners {prissonariorum),
each at lod. a week for twelve weeks, los. ; of one prisoner
{incarcerati) at lo^., for nineteen weeks, 155. lod. '*
The receiver-general was on the other hand charged
with 46J. 8^. " received from John Rede, pledge for
William Perderiall, a Breton, in part payment of his
ransom [Jinancie sue).'"
1419. "In 25 quarters of beans bought and sent to
Arflue, as is contained in a letter of my lord dated the 23rd
day of January this year, at 3^^. the bushel, 585. ^d. In a
pipe of salmon bought and sent thither, 4/. "
"In 5 quarters, 2 bushels, of beans bought and sent
thither, at i,^d. the bushel, lis. i^d. In 47 quarters, 4 bush-
els of oats bought and sent thither, at is. ^d. the quarter,
iioj. lod. In I quarter, 6 bushels of green peas bought
and sent thither at lid, 14.S. "
" In 4 casks of * allec ' (i.e, herrings) bought and sent
thither, 60s. "
" In paid for the freight of 25 quarters of beans, i pipe
of salmon, i pipe of * skalpyn, ' i pipe of green peas, to
Arflue, 6p. In 13J dozens of Meynges * and * melewell '
bought, at 35. the dozen, 40J. 6d. In carrying the same
from Mynheade to Dunster and thence to Hampton, 465. 2d.
In 100 * hakys ' bought and sent to my lord at Arflue, 30J."
" In expenses incurred in the household of my lord there
(at Dunster) from Sunday next before the feast of All
Saints in the sixth year of King Henry the Fifth (14 18)
until the feast of the Assumption of St. Mary next follow-
ing (August 141 9), that is for forty-one weeks, three days,
and then my lord was at home... 14/. 35. 6d. "
1420. " In the expenses of Richard Arnold travelling
from Hampton to Dunster and taking with him two horses
of my lord, 5J. "
" In carrying to Dunster certain things of my lord that
were at Mynheade having come from Arflue in charge ot
Roger Kyng, 3^. "
" Paid to Roger Kyng, * shipman ', for carrying divers
victuals of my lord from Pole to Harfleu this year, 11/. "
" In the expenses of my lord coming from Hampton on
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 91
Thursday next before Christmas (141 9) and being at Dun-
ster for a certain time and then travelHng to Saunton, all
reckoned by William Person, 12s. ii^d. In the expenses
of the same lord at his next coming from Saunton to Dunster
and being there for a certain time at the Priory, 6s. \d. "
" In the expenses of my lord who was at Domerham,
Hampton, and Portysmouth, as appears by a bill under the
signet of my lord dated the loth day of February in this
the seventh year of King Henry the Fifth, 64/. 8j. In
paid to the reeve of Domerham for the expenses of my
lord who was there, as appears in a bill under the signet of
my lord, ^^s. %d. In certam victuals bought by Robert
Ponyngys, knight, for the use of my lord and sent to
Arflu, as appears by an indenture dated the 7th day of
April in the eighth year, under the signet of my lord and
the signet of the aforesaid Robert, 10/. 4J. In twelve
dozens ' myllewell ' and ' leyngys ' bought, and sent to
Arflu at the request of my lord, at Mynheade ; and they
were sent by Roger Kyng, by indenture, 36J. In twelve
* coungerys ' bought and sent thither by the same Roger, 8j."
" This beth the parcell, of the costages that beth makid by
Williham Godewyn and Richard Arnolde of Bruton aboghte
diverse vitailles the wheche the forsaide Richard hath delyver-
ed to Rogger Kyng of Mynheade, shipman, at the havin of
Pole, to the use and the profitez of my lorde. Sir Hugh
Lutrell, as hit is specyfyed in endenters bytwixt hem ther
of maked ; Forst, in 18 quarteres of whete boght by
Godewyn, pris the bushelez, lod^ 61. Item in 23 quarteres,
2 bushelez, whete, pris the bushelez, %d. summa, 61. 45.
Item paied for cariage of the same from the contre to the
ship 5 J.... Item in 10 quarteres of barly malt boght by
Godewyn, pris the bushelez lod^ 66s. Sd. Item in 54 quar-
teres of barly malt, pris the bushelez 9^, 1 61. ^s. Item in
6 bobus (oxen) pris of 103J. In 30 motons pris of 45J.
Item in 2 quarteres 3 bushelez salt for the same flessh, js.
6d. Item in 3 pipes for the same flessh, i hoiggeshede for
otemele and i barell for candelles, pris in al 45. Item in 6
bushelez of otemele, price the bushelez i6<^, 85. Item in
9 dosyn pondez of candelles, lOi. 6d. In reward of the
lardyner for syltyng (i.e. salting) and dyghtyng (i.e. dressing)
92 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
of al the flessh, lod In i quarter 3 bushelez of cole, pris
the bushelez 3^^, 3;. 3<^. In i pipe for the same, lod. Item
payed for beryng of whete from the house of W. Waryner
into the ship, i6d. Item in mattys and nailles boght for to
make a caban in the ship for savying of the corne and of
the malt, 35. ']d. Item in caryng of 13 dosyns of fyssh from
Dunsterre to the Pole 125 This was write at Pole in
Ingelonde the 20 day of July the 8 yere of the reignyng
of Henry oure Kyng the 5th. "
" In a pipe of ale bought for my lord, 6d. In carrying
divers victuals, that is to say flesh, flour, oats, candles and
divers other victuals from Sheftysbery to Pole, lOJ. In carry-
ing the fish of my lord from Mynheade to Dunsterre 4*^. "
" In dehvered to my lady, by appointment of my lord, by
tally, 13/. 6s. %d. In paid the same lady, of my lord's loan,
to give to my lady's workmen of Saunton, by appoint-
ment of the same, 6j. %d. In delivered to the same lady for
wine bought for her use and that of my lady her mother,
against a payment made by my lord for the same, 6j. %d. "
Attached to the roll of accounts from Michaelmas
1420 to Michaelmas 1421 there is the following
letter : —
"Dere frende, y charge yow that ye take litill Will oure
servant 20J. for his fee of the last yer, and yif hit so be
that he compleine to yow of his monoie that y take him be
spendid in my servise, that ye take him whanne he depart-
ith fro yow to come to me resonable despenses ; and this
cedule signed wyth my signet sail be yowr warant. And in
al manere wyse thenkyth on my stuf of fich ageyns Lentin.
Writ at Harfleu the xviijt daie of Octobre.
Hugh Lutrell, knight, lord of Dunsterre
and senescall of Normandie.
Unto Richard Arnold, oure resseviour at Dunsterre." ^
The accounts contain the following entries : —
" In paid to William called Lytelwille, my lord's servant,
' A facsimile of another letter from at Dunster, is given in the Archceo-
Sir Hugh Luttrell to John Luttrell, his logical Journal, yo\. xxvii, p. 53.
son, and Richard Arnold, his receiver,
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 93
for his expenses at Pole and elsewhere on my lord's affairs,
this year in the month of December, lOJ. "
" In 54 quarters of wheat bought at Blaneforde and
Wymborne, the price of a bushel 10^., 1 8/. Also in 5 quart-
ers of wheat bought at Ruysshton, the price of a bushel
8<^., 26s. %d. Also in 51 quarters of oats bought at Blanford,
Wymborne and Ruysshton, the price of a bushel ^d.^ 61. iGs.
Also paid to William Warnere for a house hired from him,
in which to place my lord's corn, at Pole, 6s. %d. In the
expenses of Richard Arnold travelling in divers places, as
appears above, for buying the aforesaid corn, loj. In planks,
nails, * mattis ' and straw bought for making a granary in
the ship in which to place and keep the said corn, 4^. In
the carriage of the said grain i^d. Also in paid to Gervase
Knyte of Pole, ' shipman, ' for carrying all the aforesaid
corn to Harefleu for the use of my lord, 61. "
" Also in salmon y. In 61 ' mullewell ' and * lynggys, '
3 1 J. ()d. In 64 *hakys' lis. %d. In 49 couples of ' pul-
lockes ' 5J., bought and sent to my lord at Harefleu ; the
total for purchase 51J. ^d. In carrying the said fish from
Mynheade to Hampton 14J. In a * sarpler ' (i.e. piece of
canvas) bought in which to wrap up the said fish, 6d. In
' maylyngcordes ' bought for the same ^d. "
** Also in a pipe of wine for my lady, who was at Saunton,
bought of Roger Kyng of Mynheade, for the household of
my lady, this year, 46J. ^d. "
" Paid to George, my lord's chaplain at Gyllyngham, for
the expenses of my lord there on his return from London, i ^d."
In this year there is an interesting inventory of
Sir Hugh Luttrell's plate and ornaments : —
" In primis, a coppe with a park. ^
A coppe with a sterr.
A coppe withoute pomel.
A coppe with a perle in the pomell.
A coppe with an egle ygylt in the pomell.
2 coppis with eglis of silvyr in the pomell.
3 hie coppis with the coverclis.
' A stag within a park paling seems Archceologia, vol. xxix. p. 387. See
to have been one of the badges of also Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1408-
Richard the second. See the plate in 1413, p. 147.
94 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
2 coppis with 2 okurlis (i.e. oak orles, or wreaths) of silvyr
in the pomell.
2 flatte pecis with coverclis.
A vat ycoveryd.
An hie coppe ycoveryd with fetheris yplomyd (the crest
of Courtenay and Luttrell).
A coppe ynamyd Bath.
A coppe ynamyd Courtenay.
6 flatte pecis withoute coverclis.
A note (i.e. nut).
A spice dissch.
3 eweris.
2 sponis.
And all this ygylt.
A peyr doble baceynys.
3 sengle bacynys with 3 eweris therto.
A galon potte.
2 potell pottis.
4 quart pottis.
An ewer with 10 coppis withynne hym and 3 coverclis.
A round coppe ycoveryd and 8 withynne hym.
3 grete pecis ycoveryd, and 17 rounde coppis and a
tastour and an ewer for water.
A.... spone and a verke (i.e. fork) fore grene gyngyver and
15 flatte pecis and 3 coverlis.
4 chargeris.
2 doseyn disschis and 23 sauceris.
23 sponis of on sort and 17 sponis of a lasse sort and
3 grete saucerys with 2 coverclis, and 5 flatte saleris (i.e. salt-
cellars) and an ymage of Synd Jon of silver and gylt, and an
home ygylt, and 4 candelstikkis of silver.
Item por le Chapell —
In primis, a litil chaleis ygylt.
A paxbred ygylt.
2 cruetis of silver.
A corperas.
A peir of vestymentis.
2 towelles.
A lytil masboke.
2 parelles for the auter and a superaltar.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 95
" Of the whiche somme above saide my lord hathe with
hym to Harflu 2 chargeris, 12 disschis, 12 sauceris of
silver, 2 coppis and a ewer ygylt, an hie coppe and 8 with-
ynne, a gret flat pece with a covercle, 7 flatte peces and on
covercle, a basyn and an ewer, 1 1 sponis, 2 salers with a
covercle and the chapell hole, 2 quart pottys, and an hie coppe
with a covercle ygylt, and 6 littel sponys, and 2 candelstykys
of sylver. " ^
Part of this plate had come to Sir Hugh Luttrell
from his grandmother, the Countess of Devon, and
part perhaps from his uncle WiUiam Courtenay,
Archbishop of Canterbury. ^ In 141 5, he himself had
paid no less than 54/. to the executors of the v^ill of
Sir Ivo Fitzwaryn for certain silver vases.
The exact date of Sir Hugh Luttrell's final return
to England is not knov^n. Richard Wydevill, how-
ever, occurs as Seneschal of Normandy in July 1422.
The last few years of Sir Hugh's life were spent in
retirement, probably in consequence of failing health.
Some further extracts from his accounts may not be
out of place here, in illustration of the history of
prices. The roll of expenses of John Bacwell, steward
of the household, for the year ending at Midsummer
1406, is especially interesting as recording all pur-
chases day by day. There being at that time prac-
tically no home farm at Dunster, all provisons had to
be bought, except venison, game, fruit and vegetables.
According to the custom of the manor of Minehead
maintained until our own time, the lord had the right
to buy fish there at wholesale price: —
1405, June 28 "In 14 fowls (pullis), 16^."
July I. "In 4 gallons (lagenis) of milk, 4^. In butter, 7^."
July 2." In two quarters of a calf bought, lod. In divers
spices, id. In 12 ' congrcs ' 4J. of the custom of the
' D.C.M. I. 16. Antiquities of Canterbury, Appendix,
* P.C.C. Rouse, f, 15 ; Somner's p. 33.
96 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
manor of Minhede. In 12 ' milwelles', 3J. of the same
custom. "
July 15. " In two quarters of wheat (frumend) bought, at
6j. %d. the quarter, 135. 4^. "
July 1 7. " In ' turbut, ' 5^; In a milwell, 6^; in an eel, 3-^;
in ' bremis ' and other fresh fish bought, i\d\ in 2 bushels
of salt, IS. A^d \ in 3 pottles of mustard, 7|-^. "
July 19. "In * saffron, ' y. "
July 26. " In a kid {capriold) %d. "
August 2. " In 3 ' maulardes, ' dd. "
August 7. "In 100 herrings (allec)^ i6d.'"
August 9. " In 2 little pigs (porcellis) bought, I2d. "
August 16. "In 4 geese bought, lod."
August 28. " In 2 ' raies ' bought at Minhede, 6d. "
September 3. "In a quarter of a mutton bought, hd. "
September 6. " In 8 dozen geese bought in Alliremore by
Henry Baker, 22i. "
September 30. " In a salmon, "jd. "
October 2. "In white herrings (allec albis), i']d. "
October 11. "In powder of ginger and of pepper, 4^. "
October 21. " In a * haque ' bought, 5^. "
October 22. " In 3 'wodecokes ' bought, 3^."
October 23. " In 2 salmon bought at Le Merssh i2d. In
15 live pigs bought wholesale (ingrossoj, 425., of which 6 were
sold for 20i. 4.d. and 9 became bacon. "
October 28. " In 200 oysters, 6d. "
November 13. " In 2 oxen bought wholesale for the
household, 23J. %d. "
November 25. " In 25 live muttons bought in Wales, i is."
December i i."In 10 se2L-dogs (canihus marims)houghtyiod."
December 18. "In a 'gournard' bought, 2<^. In honey
bought, ^d. In 12/^. of * almondes * bought, 3J. In 12/^. of
* dates ' bought, 35. "
1406. January 14. "In a * corlue ' bought, 3 <^. In 3
* maulardes ' bought, <)d. "
February 1 2."In 1 30 'haques' bought at Bristuyt, the haque
at 2^d.a.nd 120 for 100, 315. 3^. In 500 ' scalpines ' bought
at 25. 6d. the hundred, 1 2s. 6d. In 1 5 gallons of olive oil, at
1 2d. the gallon, 1 55. In 2 measures {copulis) of figs and
raisins, 12s. "
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 97
February 21. "In a goat bought, 6d. In a ^teel' bought, id.''
March 7. "In fresh * melet ' bought, id. "
March 10. "In mussels (musculis) hought, id.''
May 14. "In 140 eggs bought, ^jd. "
1405. July 10. " In the gift of my lord to divers fishermen
of La Marssh who presented to him * melet ' and other
fish, I2d "
August 24. " In the gift of my lord to a fisherman who
presented to him a * porpes, ' i2d. " ^
1420. "In 3 bushels of oats bought for the sustenance
of my lord's swans, lo^d. "
" In a man hired to carry fish from the Master of Brugge-
water to my lord's stew at Dunster, y. 9^. To a certain
servant of the rector of Aller, likewise carrying fish, of my
lord's gift, 2od. "
1417. " To Philip the carpenter and his fellow for cutting
stakes (paludes) for enclosing the stews {stagnis) in the
Hanger (park), in part payment, i 8j. ^d. " ^
1423. " 4J. paid for the carriage of live fish from Wol-
lavyngton to Mynheade, to stock my lord's stew (vivario)." ^
14.06. "Five gallons of white wine bought at Brigewater
to fill up a pipe of wine somewhat diminished, 3J. 4J. " *
14 1 7. " Two pipes of wine from Gascony bought for the
use of my lord, 4/. 13J. 4^., also in the carriage of the same
wine to the Castle, §d. " ^
1426. " In 25 gallons of red wine, 18 gallons of wine
called * bastard ' with the carriage and costs of the
same, 25^. yd. In a pipe of wine of the * Rein.' " ^
Beer cost i^d. per gallon from Midsummer to Mich-
aelmas, lid. from Michaelmas to Christmas, and id.
from Christmas to Midsummer ; and thirteen gallons
were reckoned as twelve. At these prices the bill for a
twelvemonth ending in June 1406, came 1034/. is.z^d.
1405. July 3. "In 8 quarters of oats bought forthe provend-
er of the horses of my lord and his servants, at iSda. quarter,
los. %d. In hay bought for the same horses, 2j. "
' D.C.M. XXXVII. 7. * D.C.M. I. 16.
» D.C.M. I. 16. * D.C.M. XXXVII. 7.
» D.C.M. XXXI. 8. « D.C.M. xxxvii. lo.
98 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
October 9. " For a pad (panello) for the saddle of a horse of
the carnage of the household, \od. "
October 14. "In fresh grease bought for the feet of my
lord's horses, id. "
October 14. " In 4 halters bought for the horses of the
chariot {chariette)^ id. "
1406. June II. "In the shoeing of the horses of the
carriage and of other servants of the household, both at
Wachet and at Pottesham, my lord's horses being at Cantok,
4J. id. " '
14 1 2. " To John Slugge, for a horse bought of him by my
lord, 4/. " '
1416. "In the cost of a groom travelling from Dunster to
Taunton three times for the cure of a horse of my lord
there sick, 1 5 J<^.
" To Robert Hylwen, a groom of my lord, for his expenses
with two other grooms, and for seven horses of my lord
from Dunster to London, 13J. 4<^. "
"In 17 horse-shoes bought, to be put on my lord's horses,
25. lod. In 14 * revets ' for the same ']d. "
"In a * sadel housse ' bought for my lord's saddle and
other necessaries bought for other saddles and horses, 35. "
" To John Hunte, master of my lord's chariots {curruum)
for his expenses with regard to my lord's horses and
chariots, by a tally of which the counterfoil is not produced,
61. 135.4^."
141 7. " In the provender of the horses of my lord and
my lady for three weeks, 1 95. ^d. "
" After the departure of my lord, in 2 halters bought for
my lord's horses going out of Mersswode and placed in
ward, id. Also in ointment bought for their feet, id. In
a * horscombe ' bought 3^. "
" In ' canevass ' for the pads {j>anellis) of the saddles and
collars, 35. \\d. Also in 9 double girths {cinguUs) for my
lord's horses, i dd. Also in the woodwork (Jignis) of 7 saddles
for the carriage, is. loa. Also in lolb. * flokkis ' for the
stuffing of the same, 18^. Also in cords called ' teugropis '
{i.e. traces), %d. Also in divers cords bought for my lord's
1 D.C.M. XXXVII. 7. ' D.C.M. i. 14.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 99
chariot, 14^. Also in cords for the whip, id. Also in
cords for driving (regendis) the horses of the chariot, id.
Also in 2 pair of * steroppis ' for the saddles of the carriage
and 7 * polys ' and 3 * reynes ' and 8 ' contre single boucles '
for the aforesaid saddles of the carriage, 45. Also in * tak-
kys ' and nails {clavis) for the chariot, is. ^d. "
" Also in the repair of two * ronges ' for the chariot, 2d.
Also in * teughookys, ' 7^. Also in 7 * teugys, ' iid. Also
in 7 pads {panelles) for 7 * semesadils, ' at 8^. apiece 3^. 4^.
Also in a * strake ' {i.e. rim) and * dowlys ' for the wheels of
the chariot weighing i2lb. of iron, i6d. Also in ' vertgrese '
for a horse of my lord that was sick, ^d. Also in white
wine for the same, id. "
142 1. "To John Taunton, keeper of my lord's horses,
for oats and horse-bread {pane equina) bought for my lord's
horses before the feast of St. Denys in the ninth year, 17J.
<)¥■ "
1409. "To Thomas Skynner for the rent of a house in
le Bailly in which to put my lord's dogs, 3^. ^fd. "
1417. "In expenses incurred in taking four couples ot
coneys and birds {yolucrum) sent to John Merchaunt of
Taunton at the purification of his wife, 2d. " ^
1405. October. 29. " In fresh mutton and beef for my
lord's ' hawkes, ' i 'jd. In 4 chickens bought for the same, 6d. "
1405. July 17. " In fur and thread for repairing my
lord's gown {togd)y 6d. "
October 12. "In linen cloth and thread for two pair of my
lord's hose, 12^. "
" For the repair of my lord's wallets {besagiorum), 2d. '*
1406. February 11. "In two ' slipes ' of linen thread
bought by my lady, 35. 6d. And in the weaving {textura)
of the same, /\.d. "
April 10. " In two yards of linen cloth and thread bought
by the hands of Michael Strecche for my lord's * doub-
lettes,' 18^."'
1420. "In a pair of gloves bought for my lord, 6d. "
1 42 1. "To Laurence Taillor of London for making two
» D.C.M. I. 16. » D.C.M. XXXVII. 7.
loo A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
gowns {juparum) of my lord of * felewet, ' {i.e, velvet), 1 3;.
1405. July 17. " In shoes, hose, shirts, and breeches
{braccis) delivered to William Russell, my lord's * henxteman '
{i,e. page), lod. "
August 25. " For the making of two *dowbletes' for Wil-
liam Russel and Robert the keeper of my lord's horses,
together with breeches and spurs bought for them by the
hands of John Hunt, 2s. 6d. "
September 1 1. "In shoes for the groom of the bakery, 4^."
October 12. " To Hugh Taillor for shirts and hose bought
by him for three grooms of the stable, i jd. "
October 26. " Delivered to John Hunte, my lord's cham-
berlain, for buying spices and other things necessary for
the grooms of the stable, by his order, i6d. "
1406. April 10. " For hose, shoes, shirts and breeches
necessary and bought for the grooms of the bakery, the
kitchen, and the stable, 3J. Sd. "
142 1. "In 4 yards of russet cloth bought and delivered to
Thomas Pury, reeve of Estkantok, at 1 8^. the yard, 6s. "
The number of retainers living at Dunster Castle
seems to have varied from time to time. When
Sir Hugh Luttrell first took up his abode there, he
had a stev^ard of the household at 5/. a year, a cham-
berlain at i/. 6s. 8^., a cook at i/. 13/. 4^/., and fifteen
other men who received wages ranging from i 3/, 4^/.,
up to 2/. Lady Luttrell had a damsel in attendance
on her, and there was one laundress for the whole
establishment at 6s. Sd. A constable of the Castle
is frequently mentioned, but he seems to have lived
in the town. Year after year. Sir Hugh Luttrell
made an allowance to Dan John Buryton, one of the
monks of Dunster, possibly in connexion with masses
celebrated in St. Stephen's Chapel or in the Priory
Church. The following payments are recorded in
1406: —
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. loi
June I. " For the expenses of the horses of Sir Hugh
Courtenay of Baunton and Sir Hugh son of the Earl (of
Devon), for two nights and a day, and in the expenses of
their varlet sent before them with * veneison, ' 4J. 9^. "
June 7. " Paid to William Brit sent from London and
returning to London, for his expenses in returning, ioj. "
Lady Elizabeth Harington stayed at the Castle for
some months in 1424 with her retinue, and paid
handsomely for board. In the same year, Margaret
Luttrell, Sir Hugh's daughter-in-law, paid ^s. for
herself and her gentlewoman for one week. Master
John Odeland and John Scolemaystre, who were there
on business for eighteen weeks and ten weeks respec-
tively, got their meals free.
In 1 42 1 , Sir Hugh paid 5/. to a steward of his lands,
3/. to a receiver general, i/. 6s. 8^. to an auditor of
accounts, and i/. apiece to an attorney and a clerk,
but it is not likely that all these professional persons
resided constantly at Dunster. The following pay-
ments are recorded in the accounts : —
1406. February 12. " In three dozen of ' countours '
bought for the exchequer (scaccario)^ 9^. " ^
142 1. " In a bag bought to hold the roll of accounts 3^. "
1423. "In certain red (sanguinio) and green cloth bought
for the livery of the staff (familie) of my lord's household
this year, . . 4/. 1 55. 4^. "
1424. " In five dozens of blue f<^/(9^/VJ cloth bought at
Benehangre for the livery of the staff of my lord's house-
hold this year, with the expenses of carrying the purchases,
1 03 J. 4^. In five pairs of embroidered wallets (mantkarum
braud ) for my lord's five gentlemen for their livery . . i6s.
And in seven pairs of embroidered wallets for my lord's
yeomen (valentis) for their livery . . i^s. And in two
embroidered wallets for two grooms, this year, for their
livery . . is. id. " ^
» D.C.M. XXXVII. 7. » D.C.M. XXXVII. 10.
I02 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
1426. " In green and red (rubeo) cloth, that is to say for
sixty-six yards of each colour, bought for the livery of four
gentlemen, eleven yeomen (valettorum) and four grooms
(garcionum) who were in the household . . j/. lis. 6^d.
including the expenses and carriage of the same. " ^
1405. November 6. " In an earthen pot in which to put
white salt, i^d. "
November 20. "In a piece of sackcloth of which were made
5 sacks in the bakery, price y. %d. "
December 1 6. " In 3 bowls (bollis) bought for the kitchen.
lod. In 2 cups (ciphis) bought for the buttery, iid. "
December 18. "In four dozens of tin vases (vasorum stan-
neorum) bought at Brigewater, 72J. In the expenses of a
man bringing the said vases to Dunster, 7^. In 6 ells
(ulnis) of * cannevas ' bought for the kitchen, 2s. 6d. "
1406. January 22. " In 4 wooden trenchers (discis) bought
for the kitchen, 4^. "
February 4. " In a wooden pot (olla) for the pantry, id. "
March 10. " In 4 wooden * tancardes * bought to spare the
pots (ollis) made of leather, 12^. "
January 5. " In a needle and * pakthreed * for sewing the
sacks of the bakery, id. "
February 1 1 . "To John Corbet, smith, for a * wexpan,' two
* wexirens, ' a * wexknyfe, ' an ' iren rake, ' a * pikeys, '
a * matok, ' thirty-six * hoques ' for hanging bacon in the
kitchen, etc. 6s. %d. "
1405. July 17. " In lib. of wax for making candles in the
chapel, "id. "
August 21. "In iilb. of Paris candles, 2s. "
November 20. "In a bundle of * macchernes ' (/.f. wicks)
for making Paris candles, 35. ^d. "
December 18. "In 1 1 J 'ronnes' of wick thread (fililkhenn)
bought for torches, 6s. id. In the costs of a man bringing
the same (etc.) from Brigewater to Dunster, is. id. " *
Sir Hugh Luttrell died on the 24th of March 1428,
aged about sixty-four. ' The foUov^ing entries occur
in the accounts for that year : —
1 D.C.M. I. 16. ' Inq. post mortem, 6 Hen.VI.no. 32.
» D.C.M. xxxvn. 7.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 103
" Paid to John Bien of Shaftesbury by the hands of
William Godewyn for spices bought of him for the burial of
the said Hugh, 19 August, 44J. id. "
" To Thomas Wylhams for white cloth bought of him at
the burial of the said Hugh, 6/. 45. Also paid to John
Slug for providing oats against the burial of the said Hugh,
1 1 J. Also paid to William Stone for white and black
cloth bought of him, together with the making of sixteen
gowns (juparum) and the like number of capes (capicium) for
sixteen poor people at the time of the burial of the said
Hugh, 74i. "
Two years later, there is the following entry : —
" Paid to Sir Robert Kent, chaplain, by order of my lord,
to distribute among the chaplains who here on the day of
the anniversary of Hugh Lutrell, knight, on the last day of
March, is. 9^. "
In 1432, we find : —
" Paid to William Stone of Dunster for six gallons, one
pottle and one pint of white wine bought of him on the day
of the anniversary of Sir Hugh Luttrell, knight, by order
of my lady, paying 6d a gallon, y. ^d. " ^
A monument in memory of Sir Hugh Luttrell and
his wife seems to have been erected, or commenced,
on the north side of the chancel of Dunster church.
Both their effigies, made of alabaster and relieved
with gold, have been sadly mutilated in the course
of centuries, and it is very doubtful whether they
occupy their original position. They now lie under
a canopy carved in stone in an arched opening
between the chancel and the little projecting sacristy,
which was almost rebuilt in the nineteenth century.
The shields below them, likewise carved in stone,
bear no arms ; there is no inscription ; and the whole
structure, except the figures, may be an Easter
Sepulchre of the time of Henry the Seventh.
» D.C.M. I 17.
104 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
It might have been expected that the name of the
Great Seneschal of Normandy, the first Luttrell lord
of Dunster, the builder of part of the Castle, would
have been so well known on the spot that there
could be no question as to the fact that he and his
wife were the originals of the two alabaster figures.
Yet every writer down to 1879 who has mentioned
them has described them as representing Sir John de
Mohun and his wife. This deep-rooted error appears
to have arisen out of an exaggerated respect for a
hesitating opinion of the old antiquary, John Leland,
who, in his account of Dunster Church, says : —
" In the north part of this was buried under an arche by
the high altare one of the Luterelles, or, as I rather thynke,
of the Moions, for he hath a garland about his helmet, and
so were lordes of old tymes usid to be buried. " ^
Although the arms and legs of the knight have
alike disappeared, his costume, the * orle, ' or wreath,
round his basinet, the ' demi-placcates ' covering his
breast, the sword-belt hanging diagonally across his
body, the six overlapping ' taces, ' or plates, round
his waist and hips, and the ' tuiles ' that protect his
thighs, show clearly that he lived in the first part of
the fifteenth century. Furthermore the official collar
of SS. round his neck marks him out as a person
attached to the service of a Lancastrian king. No
lord of Dunster except Sir Hugh Luttrell answers to
this description.
Sir Hugh Luttrell's wife was Catherine daughter
of Sir John Beaumont of Devonshire, and relict of
John Strecche. Her first marriage seems to have
taken place at Christmas 1376, and although her
husband died without issue in the lifetime of his
' Itinerary (1907), p. 166.
EFFIGIES
of
SIR HUGH LUTTRELL.
AND HIS WIFE.
In DuTLSter Church.
AD. 1428-1435.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 105
father, Sir John Strecche, she obtained a life interest
in the manors of Wolston, in Devonshire, and Sampford
Arundel, in Somerset, which she was able to enjoy
with her second husband \ Several notices of her
in the Dunster accounts have been quoted already,
and a few more may be given here : —
1406. February 11. " Paid to brother Gilbert Ley for
mendding illuminating, covering and binding a missal, a
breviary (portaC ), and a French book, by order of my lady
6s. U. "
" On Easter Day. In the offerings of my lady and her
daughters, 4^. And in the gift of my lord to J. a Carmelite
friar of Bristol, begging, iid. "
" In the offerings of my lady on Whitsunday, id. "
June 1 1. "To my lady going on pilgrimage to Cleeve, 6</." ^
During the long absences of Sir Hugh Luttrell
abroad, his wife seems to have spent a good deal of
her time with her mother, Lady Beaumont, at Saun-
ton in Devonshire. After his death, the manors of
Minehead and East Quantockshead, with the ad-
vowson of the church at the latter place, were
assigned to her by way of dower, but she appears
to have compounded for an annuity of 100/ out of
her husband's estates. She died on the 28 th of August
1435, and was presumably buried at Dunster. ' Her
effigy in alabaster lies on the north side of the chan-
cel there beside that of Sir Hugh Luttrell. She is
represented in a sideless dress, through the openings
of which may be seen the girdle of her kirtle, and
over all a mantle fastened in front by cords which
pass through open fermeules, or loops ; a long veil
hangs down from the top of her head. Her feet
rest on an animal now headless.
' Inq. post mostem, 14 Hen. VI. ^ Inq. post mortem, 6 Hen. VI. no.
no. 30. 83 ; 14 Hen. VI. no. 30.
* D.C.M. xxxvil. 7.
io6 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
Sir Hugh Luttrell had issue two sons and four
daughters : —
John, his heir.
WiUiam, who is mentioned in the accounts for 141 6.
He may perhaps be identified with the WilHam
Luttrell who was rector of Birch Parva in Essex
from 1 44 1 to 1443. ^
Margaret. In July 1402, a marriage was arranged
between John Cotes, esquire, and Margaret daugh-
ter of Sir Hugh Luttrell. The former undertook
within three years to provide land to the yearly
value of 20/., to be settled on himself and his
wife and the heirs of their bodies. Sir Hugh on
his side undertook to provide 100 marks within
six months of such settlement, or 50 marks if his
daughter should have died in the meanwhile. He
also covenanted to supply the young couple, their
two servants and their two henchmen (chivalersj,
with suitable meat and drink for the first year after
the marriage, and to give his daughter a sum of
20/. ^ pour sa chambre'^ The accounts for 141 6
record a payment for " the expenses of divers ser-
vants of my lord going over to Warwyckshyre
with Margaret, my lord's daughter, by appoint-
ment of my lord, 281. 9^. "
Elizabeth. In March 1406, an arrangement was
made that William Harleston, esquire, should mar-
ry Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Hugh Luttrell as
soon as convenient after Easter. Sir Hugh under-
took to enfeoff them of all his lands at Debenham
in Suffolk, with remainder to the heirs of their
bodies, and ultimate reversion to himself and his
heirs. William Harleston at the same time under-
' Newcourt's Repcrtorium, vol. ii. p. * D.C.M. xxxvii. 44.
60.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 107
took to enfeoff his intended wife of lands to the
yearly value of 40 marks, and to enter into a bond
to Sir Hugh for 125 marks, repayable in case of
failure of issue. ^ Easter fell on the 19th of April
in 1406. The following entry occurs in the ac-
counts of Sir Hugh Luttrell for that year.
" On the eve of St. Mark (24 April), in paid for the expen-
ses of John Bacwell sent by order of my lord to Brigewater
for John Somer, a friar, to come to Dunsterre (propter
Johannem Somer fratrem Dunsterre veniendum) because of the
marriage to be made (faciendi) between a daughter of my
lord and William Harleston, 2J. " ^
Bacwell was the domestic steward at Dunster Castle.
In the accounts for 1423, there is a note that the
expenses were greater than usual" because Elizabeth
Harleston, my lord's daughter, was in the aforesaid
household with five men and seven horses at the
costs and expenses of the said household for seven-
teen weeks. "
After the death of her husband, this lady married
John Stratton, esquire, of Norfolk, by whom she
left a daughter, Elizabeth. ^
Anne. In April 1408, an arrangement was made
that William Godwyn the younger should marry
Anne daughter of Sir Hugh Luttrell about Mid-
summer. William Godwyn the elder undertook
to settle upon them land to the yearly value of
20/. subject to his own life interest. William
Godwyn the younger undertook to provide a like
amount, while Sir Hugh undertook to pay 100
marks in instalments. * The name of WilHam
Godwyn occurs frequently in the manuscripts at
' D.C.M. XXXVII. 6, 45, 47. 100; cf. Blomfield's History of Norfolk^
* D.C.M. XXXVII. 7. vol. viii. p. 287.
» Inq. post mortem, 21 Edw. IV. no. * D.C.M. xxxvii, 48.
io8 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
Dunster, where he held various responsible offices
under the Luttrells.
Joan. There are three notices of her in the accounts
of the receiver-general of her brother, Sir John
Luttrell : —
1428. " Paid to Robert Draper, by the hands of Thomas
Kynggestone, for the banquet of my lady Joan Luttrell, a
nun of Shaftesbury, on the 27th day of July, by order of
my lord, 40J. "
" To the same lord, on the 30th day of July, when the
same lord rode towards Shaftesbury to the banquet of
my lady Joan Luttrell, his sister, to be held there, io6j. 8<^. "
1430. "Paid to Robert Draper for the expenses of
my lady Joan Lutrell, and her sister, a nun of Shaftes-
bury, riding thence to Dunster and there on the 19th
day of July, 12s. "^
The nun had apparently been allow^ed to revisit her
old home in order to see her brother on his deathbed.
John Luttrell, son and heir of Sir Hugh, was
born about the year 1394.* He was presumably
the person of that name who accompanied Sir Hugh
to Normandy in 141 7. During the next few years,
however, he was generally in West Somerset, living
either at Dunster or at Carhampton, and looking
after the affairs of his absent father. The accounts
for the year ending at Michaelmas 1420 contain the
following entries : —
" Paid of the reward made to William Franceys, my lord's
esquire, by John, my lord's son, Thomas Beaumont, and
others of my lord's council, who were at Dunster on the 2nd
day of September, and were thereon my lord's business, 20J."
" In the expenses of John, my lord's son, Thomas Beau-
mont, Hugh Gary, and others of my lord's council who
were at Dunster in the month of August on my lord's
' D.C.M. I. 17. ' Inq. post mortem, 6 Hen. VI. no. 23
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 109
business, 9J. ^^^. In the expenses of the horses of Thomas
Beaumont at the same time, 2s. ^d. In the expenses of the
horses of Hugh Gary at the same time, is. <)d. "
There are frequent mentions of John Luttrell in
the accounts of the period, and several of them show
clearly that he was in charge of the building opera-
tions carried on at Dunster Castle in his father's
lifetime.
On succeeding to the inheritance in 1428, one of
his first duties was to arrange for inquisitions with
regard to his father's lands in Somerset, Dorset, Devon,
Wiltshire and Suffolk. The following letter to him
relates to this business: —
" My ryght worshipfull and with all myne herte welbelovid
cosyn, y recomaunde me to yow, beseching yow that ye woU
be remembrid of the litell money that I dude paie by the
hondis of Robert Colyngborne whiche ys toward me in your
name, as for the speed of your diem clausit extremum in the
counte of Wiltes, and by advys of your cervaunt whiche
laborid for hit in your name at that tyme, which drawith in
all to the summe of \\\]li. ixj. j<^., whiche y praie yow that
ye do sende me in as hasty tyme as ye godely may, consider-
yng my nede ate this present hoeure that I have for my
goyng obir see. And the holy Trinite yow evir conserve to
his plesaunce and your ryght greet joye and confort,
your cosyne,
John Stourton, knyzght. "
The accounts for that year record payments. —
"To John Stourton, knight, by the hands of Henry
Helyer, a yeoman {vadletti) of William Wadham, for taking
a certain inquisition in the county of Wiltes concerning the
death of Hugh Lutrell, knight, as by letter of the said John
Stourton addressed to the said John Lutrell, 4/. 95. id. And
paid to Henry Helyar for his reward because of his pains,
by order of John Lutrell, lod. " ^
« D.C.M. I. 16.
no A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. hi.
" To John Gregory, escheator of our lord the King in the
county of Somerset, on the loth of June, for the assess-
ed portion of the lands and tenements which were of the
said Hugh Lutrell in the aforesaid country, 12/. " ^
Altogether, the sheriff of Somerset accounted to
the Exchequer for 34/. i 3/. ij^. for the issues of the
estate for sixty-one days from the death of Sir Hugh
Luttrell until the assignment of dower to the widow,
and for 6s. 3^. for the issues of two thirds of it for
one further day before the delivery to the heir, by
royal order. ^ John Luttrell had also to pay to the
Crown 44/. 8 J. io|<^. being two thirds of 100 marks,
by way of relief on succession to two thirds of a
barony. ^
The following payments are recorded between
April and September 1428 : —
" To Thomas Touker of Wayssford for a barge bought
of John Foughler of Ireland for my lord's use, as for a
quarter of the same barge, 20/.
" To John Mathu for a ' burthyn ' and a half of salt fish
bought of him for John of Stourton the younger and
William Carent, by order of my lord, 16s. To John Foughler
of Mynhede, by the hands of the vicar of Mynhede, for
wine bought for my lord's household at Karampton in the
previous year, by order of my lord, 66s. 8<^. " ^
John Luttrell had apparently been living at Marsh-
wood in the parish of Carhampton until the death of
his father. It is curious to note that throughout the
first five months of his residence at Dunster he had
guests at the Castle who paid for their respective
commons fpro communibus suisj. Lady Luttrell, his
mother, paid 10/. ^s. 2^d. for the board of herself
and her servants. Sir William Palton, a wealthy
> D.C.M. I. 16. » Memoranda Roll.
* Escheators' Enrolled Accounts. 29, * D.C.M. i. 16.
m. no.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 1 1 1
landowner, paid 1 7/. i gs. /\.d. for the board of himself
and his household, and William Cornu only 5/. 4/.
lod. for the like. None of these paying guests
brought any children with them, but Palton and
Cornu were married men who had houses elsewhere
in Somerset. William Cornu's wife had survived
two husbands, Sir John Malet, eldest son of Sir
Baldwin Malet of Enmore, and John Luttrell of
Carhampton, constable of Dunster Castle, who had
died in 1 42 1 or 1422 \ She was usually known
by the name of Dame Joan Malet.
The following payments made between Michaelmas
1429 and Michaelmas 1430, were charged against
Sir John Luttrell of Dunster : —
" To Robert Couke for buying silk at London for my lady
Margaret Luttrell on the 13th day of February, 6j. 8^. "
" To Thomas Merchaunt for buying victuals for my
lord's barge, by order of my lord, 10s. "
" To Thomas Couke for the provender of the horses of
Walter Portman who was at Dunster three times to confer
with my lord on his matter between him and the Duchess
of York, 3J. 6 J^. "
" To the aforesaid Thomas Couke for the provender of
the horses of my lady Elizabeth Courtenay who was at
Dunsterre for a day and a night, yj. iid.
" In four hundred * bukhurnes ' bought at Exeter for
the Bishop of Bath and Wells, at i']d. the hundred, 5J.
U. "
" To William Whevere of Whachet for weaving twenty-
four yards of cloth, 2J. " ^
' Some of the documents at Dunster Joan Crakeham, relict of John Crake-
are careful to distinguish this John ham, who had property at Northcote
Luttrell from his namesake and con- in the parish of Inworthy, co. Devon,
temporary ' the son of my lord. ' (e. g. describes herself, in 1475, as daughter
XVIII. 2.) He may probably be ident- and heiress of John Luttrell. (D.C.M.
ified with 'John Lutrell son of Richard xxxvii. 60.) It is, however, clear that
Lutrell ' who is mentioned in 1403 John Luttrell had no issue by this
(D.C.M. 1. 14), but he can hardly have marriage with the wealthy Malet
been son of the Richard Luttrell noticed widow. (D.C.M. xvil. i.)
at the end of Chapter H. A certain ' D.C.M. i. 17.
112 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
The following payments are recorded in the house-
hold accounts for the same period ; —
" In 6 pipes, one 'hoggeshed,* 35 gallons (Jagenis) 3 quarts,
one 'pynt' (of white and red wine) bought for the expenses
of the said household, for the year, 1 5/. "jd. "
"In 51 24 gallons of good and of second ale bought. . .
26/. 23 J^. "
" In 7 pounds of pepper bought for the expenses of the
said household this year, 75. And in i pound 2 ounces of
safiron (croci) bought for the expensesof the said household
this year, los. /\.d. And in half a pound * saundres ' bought
for the store (conserva) %d. And in 30 pounds of almonds
(amigdelarum) bought for the store, 7^. dd. And in 28
pounds of* ryse ' bought for the store, 3J. %d. and in 28
pounds of * roysons ' bought for the store, 3J. 8^. And in
2 pounds of wax for the store, \%d. * In a * barell * of
* allec ' bought, beyond one ^barrell' received from the reeve
of Mynhed coming to my lord from * wayfes ' chattels
there, this year, 9J. lod. And in 100 red * allec ' bought
for the expenses of the said household this year, i %d. And
in a cask (cade) of * sprottes ' bought for the store this year,
IS. \d. . . And in 70 * hakys, * with the carriage of the
same, 9J. %d. And in 72 * stok fyssh ' bought for the store,
with the carriage of the same, this year, lis. \d. And in 678
* myUewell ' and * lenges * bought for the store by my lord's
order at Mynhed this year, 8/. 9J. 6^. And in c^i * congres '
sea-salted (mersaultz) bought for the store beyond twenty
that remained over, i 8j. %d. And in a * barell ' of * stor-
geon ' bought for the store this year, 8j. 6d. And in 3
gallons of oil bought for the expenses of the said household
this year, ^s. " ^
John Luttrell describes himself as ' esquire ' in
June 1429, and as * knight ' in March following.'
He survived his father by a little more than two
years and died on the 30th of June 1430. ^ It would
appear that he was buried at the Augustinian Priory
' D.C.M. XXXVII. II. Deeds and Evidences, box 2.
* Court of Wards and Liveries, ' Inq. postmorteni,9. Hen.VI. no. 51.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 113
of Bruton, of which he was the patron. There are
certainly no traces of any monument to his memory
at Dunster.
In the accounts for 1430, a payment is recorded: —
"To divers men for divers necessaries and the chapel
(capeir) on the day of the burial of John Luttrell, esquire,
12S. 2j^."
In the accounts for the following year, there are
further payments : —
" To Robert Drapere for divers expenses incurred for the
anniversary of Sir John Luttrell, knight, by order of my
lady, at Bruton, as in wax and other things bought for the
same, as appears by a bill exhibited before my lady Margaret
Lutrell on the 6th day of September in the eighth (rectius
ninth) year, 145. iid. And paid for divers expenses made
with regard to holding the anniversary of Sir John Lutrell,
knight, at Bruton, on the 6th day of August in the ninth
year of King Henry the Sixth, as appears by a bill exhibited
at the audit of this account and attached to this account,
The details are as follows : —
" Bruton. Expenses incurred there by'Robert Draper for
holding the anniversary of Sir John Luttrell, knight, there
on the 6th day of August in the ninth year of King Henry
the Sixth. "
" In primis in six pounds of wax bought for making thereof
five round candles (cereis)^ at 5^. a pound, is. 6d. In wicks
(lichinis) bought for the same, id. In making of the same,
id. In four pounds of wax bought, as in four ' torchis '
hired from the sacristan of the church there, paying 5^. a
pound, 2od. In a gift to four poor men for holding the
said *torchis' at the obsequies and at the mass, to each of
them 4^., idd. In a gift to the beadsman (oratori) for
proclaiming the anniversary in the town, id. In offerings,
2d. In bread bought as well for the Prior and the Convent
as for others who came to the obsequies, 1 5^. In fourteen
gallons (lagenis) of good ale bought for the same, is. ^d.
114 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
In one gallon of ale bought for the Prior there, ^d. In
the distribution made to the Prior and Convent there, that
is to say to the Prior, ^od. and to the fifteen canons, iid.
to each, 15J. Item, to two secular priests, iid. Item, to
two clerks, ^d. Item, to six poor folk, 3<3'. Item, for ringing
the knell (pro classico puhando)^ ^d. Item, paid to Thomas
Sartrye, late sacristan of the Priory of Bruton, for five
pounds of wax bought of him, with the making, on the
day of my lord's anniversary, at 6d. the pound, 2i. 6d.
Sum total 3 3 J. 3^. " ^
Sir John Luttrell married, in or before 1422, Mar-
garet daughter of Sir John Tuchet, Lord Tuchet or
Audley, the owner of Nether Stowey Castle. ^ By her
he had issue two sons : —
John, who predeceased him.'
James, his successor, an infant at the time of his
death.
After the death of Sir John Luttrell, Margaret the
widow had dower assigned to her by the escheator
of Somerset and Dorset.
The following entries occur in her accounts : —
" Paid to Walter Paunsefote, escheator of our lord the
King, by the hands of Walter Portman, being here for
assignment of dower to my lady Margaret Luttrell, to-
gether with a reward made to W. Bouchell his clerk, by
my lady's order, 5 35. ^d. And in the expenses of the said
escheator of our lord the King, of Walter Portman, of
William Cloutesham, and others of my lady's council,
together with the expenses of twelve jurors who were at the
same place for the assignment of dower, together with the
expenses of the said escheator by the way in going and
returning, with a reward made to the said escheator's ser-
vant, 1 7 J. lO^d. "
' D.C.M. I. 17. born before 1398, he cannot have been
* D.C.M. XXIV. 6. Settlement of the her father,
manor of Kilton. In some pedigrees, ' Calendar of Patent Rolls, i42q-i 436
she is called daughter of James, Lord p. 86.
Audley, but as this nobleman was not
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 115
A third of the Luttrell estates having been recent-
ly assigned to Dame Catherine, reUct of Sir Hugh,
Dame Margaret obtained a third of the remaining
two thirds. Although it has been generally held
that a widow could not have dower in the caputs or
head-place, of a barony, it is certain that this Lady
Luttrell received in this respect a third of Dunster
Castle, comprising the new gatehouse, the older gate-
way adjoining, and land on the Castle Tor.^ She does
not, however, appear to have lived there. When
she came thither in the first year of her widowhood,
it was to take part in an archery match with some
of the neighbours. The following entry occurs in the
accounts for the year ending in September 1431 : —
" In the expenses of my lady Margaret Lutrell and others
coming with her on Sunday the first day of July, who were
at Dunsterre to shoot (ad sagittandum) with Thomas Bratton
and others, 15. ^d. "
The same account contains also the following
entries : —
"In five yards of 'fustyan' bought in the market-place (foro)
of Dunsterre for a double gown of my lady, 2s. i\d. And in a
quarter of a yard of 'tarterys' bought for the said gown, 10^."
" In two yards of linen cloth called ' Braban ' bought for
James, my lady's son, i^d. And in a yard and a half of
russet cloth bought of William Stone for the said James, 9<^."
" Paid to Joan Noryce, my lady's nurse, for her wages in
arrear, by the hands of William Percare, chaplain, of Wales,
and William Warderoppe, 6s. %d. In six ' douseynys ' of
white cloth bought for the livery of my lady at divers prices
this year, 375. In ten ' douseynys ' of white cloth woven for
the said livery, this year, of Robert Northam, 55. In fulling
the said ten * douseyns,' paying \d. * per doseyne,' 3J. 4^.
In dyeing all the aforesaid cloth, together with a piece
containing twenty yards, to a black colour, by John Dyer,
by the view of William Warderoppe, paying i id. * per
• Inq. postmortem, 9 Hen. VI.no. 51.
ii6 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
doseyne,' i yj. 6d. And paid to Thomas Touker of Clyve
for shearing all the aforesaid cloth, 4J. And paid to John
Dyer for dyeing a bed-cover, * tapytes, curteynes, costerys,
bankerys ' and * guysshenys ' {i.e. cushions) both for my lady's
hall and for the chamber and the chapel at Karampton, yj." ^
The accounts of the reeve of Carhampton Barton
for this year show^ the distribution of the rabbits
taken at the warren by the parker of Dunster Hanger.
Some were given by order of Lady Luttrell to Lady
Elizabeth Harington, to Dame Joan Malet, to Thomas
Copleston, and to Thomas Bratton already mentioned.^
The following payments are recorded between
September 1431 and March 1432 : —
" In the expenses of William Bonvyle, knight, Edward
Seynt Jon, Thomas Bratton, John Lauerance, Walter
Portman, and part of the household of my lady Margaret
Lutrell, who were at Taunton with thirty-six horses, from
Monday the loth day of December until the Wednesday
next following after dinner, for a certain love-day (die
amoris) between my lady Catherine Lutrell of the one part
and my lady Margaret Lutrell of the other part, together with
rewards made to the cook of the aforesaid William Bonvyle,
knight, and other servants who were then there, 4/. i ^d. "
" And paid to John Lauerance who was at Taunton for
the aforesaid day, of the council of my said lady Margaret
Luttrell, by assent of Walter Portman one of the council of
my said lady Margaret, 135. /\.d. "
" And in the expenses of Robert Ryvers sent to London
by my lady Margaret Luttrell, to confer both with the
Bishop of Bath and Walter Portman about the said love
day and about the payment there of the farm of Dunsterre
in part, to wit that of the month of November, and to do
other business there of my lady, in going and staying there
and returning, for three weeks and four days, 33J. lod. "
" To William Wardropere, by order of my lady, to
distribute to priests for the soul of John Lutrell, knight, on
the 1 7th day of January, 2d. "
' D.C.M. I. 17. » D.C.M. xvin. 3.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 117
In three months between Michaelmas and Christ-
mas, the steward of the household at Carhampton, that
is to say at Marshwood, bought 246 gallons of good
ale from divers tenants at Dunster at the rate of ij^.
per gallon and 619 gallons of second ale at id. The
consumption of pigeons was also considerable, the
number in one year being 632, of which 124 came from
the dovecot in the ' barnecourt ' at Dunster, 504 were
bought from the reeve of East Quantockshead, and 4
were presented. The reeve of Woolavington was given
4^/. as a reward for the capture of a stray swan, and
was paid los. Sd. for great and small eels supplied by
him in the lifetime of Sir John Luttrell.
Dame Margaret Luttrell's expenses were at one
time larger than her income, and she had difficulty in
coming to a settlement with her receiver-general,
Robert Ryvers. In his account for the six months
ending in March 1432, he credited the following to
her : —
" The same Robert has received of the same Margaret,
as in silver vases bought of her, 20/. And the same has
received of her, as in silver cups (ciphis) bought of the same
Margaret, 7/. 55. And the same Robert has received of
the same Margaret, as in a silver pot (olla) bought of her,
5 8 J. (^d. And the same Robert has received of the same
Margaret, as in a white bed of half * worstede ' with other
clothes (vestibus) bought of her and received in part payment
of his aforesaid excess, 33J. 4^.
Even after this, she owed him more than 90/. '
Shortly before the close of the account, she had
married a second husband named Robert Coker,
without obtaining the royal licence which was then
necessary for the widow of a tenant in chief. The
marriage of course remained valid, but a pardon to
' D.C.M. I. 17 ; XXXVII. 12.
ii8 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
the offending parties was only given on payment to
the Crown of the then very considerable fine of 40/. ^
According to the common practice of the time, Lady
Luttrell retained the surname and rank of her first
husband. She died on the ist of June 1438/ After
her death, Robert Coker was charged with having
committed waste in two thirds of the Castle of
Dunster and in the manor of Carhampton. ^
James Luttrell, son and heir of Sir John Lut-
trell, was three or four years of age at the time of
his father's death in July 1430, and accordingly
became a ward of the Crown. Within a few months,
however, the keeping of two thirds of Sir John's
lands was committed to John Stafford, Bishop of
Bath and Wells, a close friend of the Luttrell family,
Sir Humphrey Stafford, his brother, and Sir Philip
Courtenay, a cousin of the heir. *
The following payment is recorded in 1431 : —
" In the expenses of my lady Margaret Luttrell riding
with eight horses to Hoke (in Dorset) to confer with
Humphrey Stafford, in going and returning, for four days,
1 2 J. io|-<^. "
In July 1433, ^^^ ^i'^g s*^^^ to Humphrey, Earl of
Stafford for 400 marks, the right of tendering in
marriage to James Luttrell a lady of suitable rank. ^
There is reason, however, to believe that the Earl
shortly made over this right to Courtenay. At any
rate it is certain that Courtenay aimed at concentrat-
ing in his own hands the divided estates of the
Luttrells. At various dates in the years 1437 and
' Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1 42g-i 436, p .574.
p. 188. * Escheators' Enrolled Accounts, 31.
* Inq. post mortem. 17 Hen. VI. no. m. 59.
14. The original draft of this document •' Calendar of Patent Rolls, I42g-i4j6,
has been preserved; D.C.M. i. 20. p. 224.
' Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1436-1441,
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 119
1439, he obtained a demise of the manor of Minehead
at a yearly rent of 100 marks, afterwards reduced by
40/, a fresh demise of two thirds of Sir John Luttrell's
lands at a yearly rent of 100/, and a demise of the
lands lately held by Dame Margaret Luttrell, at a
yearly rent fixed by the Lord Treasurer at 83/. He
also occurs as the chief feoffee of the advowson of
the church of East Quantockshead. In 1445, he
applied for an abatement of his rent, on the score
that, although James Luttrell had been his ward for
a long time, and the royal grants had been made for
his own advantage, he was deriving nothing from
them, the actual yearly value of the estates being no
more than the 183/. for which he was liable. His
rent was accordingly reduced by 40 marks. ^
In July 1447, at the request of John Stafford, now
Archbishop of Canterbury and Humphrey Stafford,
now Duke of Buckingham, the King promised that
James Luttrell should receive possession of his estates
at Michaelmas without proving that he was of full
age or formally suing out livery of them. ^ In Febru-
ary 1449, James Luttrell obtained royal licence to
convey the castle and borough of Dunster, the manors
of Minehead, Carhampton, and Kilton and the hun-
dred of Carhampton to feoffees, in order that they
should be settled on himself and the heirs of his
body, with remainder to his ' cousin, ' Richard Lut-
trell and the heirs of his body and ultimate remainder
to his own heirs general. ^ A settlement to this
effect was shortly made. * East Quantockshead and
other property of James Luttrell stood on a differ-
i D.C.M. I. 19; Calendar of Patent m.20 ; 27 Hen. VI. part 3, m. i.
Rolls, 1436-1441, p. 241 ; 1441-1446, p. ' Ibid. ; D.C.M. i. 24.
336 ; 27 Hen. VI. part 3. m. 1;. Wea- * D.C.M. i. 23. Some erasures and
vtv'?, Somerset Incumbents, p. 423. interlineations on this document occur
* Patent Rolls, 25 Hen. VI. part. 2. also on the original letters patent.
I20 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
ent footing, not being held of the king in chief.
In 1450, the Bishop at Exeter issued a licence for
a marriage to be celebrated in the private chapel of
Powderham Castle between James Luttrell and Eliz-
abeth daughter of Sir Philip Courtenay, his late guard-
ian. ^ A large part of the Luttrell estate was settled
on her in jointure, some two years later. ^
On the death of Richard Luttrell without lawful
issue, James Luttrell obtained some land at Kentsford
near Watchet, as an escheat to the Honour of Dunster,
Richard having been a bastard, and also certain
other lands at Iveton and elsewhere, which had been
settled on him in tail with remainder to the head of
the family. ' He got into controversy, however,
about the executorship, or administration, with Alex-
ander Hody, who was one of his own feoffees. All
that we know about the matter is derived from a bill
of complaint by Hody's wife. She therein states
that James Luttrell sent a man to her to ask where
her husband was to be found, and that she, suspecting
no deceit, told him where he would be for the next
three days, and that James Luttrell then took one of
Hody's servants " and putte hym in his castell of
Dunster by the space of a nyghte, so that the seyd
servaunt shuld not make knowliche to the seyd
Alisaunder of the unfeythfull disposission of the seyd
Jamys. " The story proceeds : —
"In the mornyng thereapon, the seyd Jamys with the
nombir of xxxv persones and moo, with bowys beyng
bente and arowys in ther hondys by hym unlawfully gaderyd,
wente to the house of Thomas Bratton, squyer, fadir in
lawe to the seyd Alisaunder, where and atte which tyme she
' Register of Bishop Lacy quoted in ' Inq. post mortem, i Edward IV.
Oliver's Ecclesiastical Antiquities in no. 43.
Devon, vol. i. p. 28. ' Ibid.
ARMS OF SIR JAMES LUTTRELL
ON THE LUTTRELL CARPET,
COTEHELE.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 121
saide her husbonde would be, and there sowght hym, pur-
posyng to have murderyd and sleyne the seyd Alisaunder.
" Item, the seyd Jamys and his servaunts to the nombir
of xxiiij*® persones, arrayyd with dobelettes of defence,
palettes, bowys, arrowys, gleyvys, and speris [went] to
Ca. . . . , and ther John Toker, servaunt to the
seyd Alisaunder, bete and woundyd, so that the seyd John
was in dispeyre of his lyfe.
" Item, the seyd Jamys with his servaunts and othir to
the nombir of xliiij** persones and moo, of grete malice
forthought purposyng to murdyr and slee the seyd Alis-
aunder, entryd the castell of Taunton and ther the consta-
billarye of the same, and all the dorys ther brake and entrid,
serching after the seyd Alisaunder, and vij sponys of silver
of the seyd Alisaunder and v ivery komys and other godis
of the seyd Alisaunder toke and bare aweye, and apon
the wyfe of the seyd Alisaunder asaute made, bete, and
with here daggers manassyd to slee, and so would have
do ner, by grace of God, one of ther felishipp lette hit, and
Water Peyntore, servaunt to the seyd Alisaunder, cowardly
nye to the dethe smote, and apon Sir Robert, preste to the
seyd Alisaunder, asaute made and hym by the here to the
grounde pluckyd, betyng hym with the pomeUis of ther
swerdis. "
" Item, the seyd Alisaunder askyth of the seyd Jamys
a c. marke in money of the dette of Richard Luttrell, whos
administrator of godis and catall the seyd Jamys ys. "
" Item he askyth of the seyd Jamys xvijs. and vj^. remeyn-
yng unpayyd for pottes of silver and gilte, for a gretter
summe of moneye by the seyd Alisaunder to him sold. " ^
It is perhaps hardly necessary to remark that some
of the foregoing allegations, such as those about the
bows and the deadly peril of John Toker, were purely
fictitious, introduced for the purpose of bringing the
controversy within the cognisance of a court which
otherwise would have had no jurisdiction in the
matter. Some compromise seems to have been made
' D.C.M. XXXVII. 16.
122 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
in February 1458, when Alexander Hody gave a
general release from all personal actions to James
Luttrell, Simon Milbourn and John Loty, jointly and
severally. ^
The dispute betvvreen Luttrell and Hody was per-
sonal and non-political, for they were both ardent
supporters of the House of Lancaster. James Lut-
trell fought against the Duke of York at Wakefield
at the end of December 1460, and was knighted
by the Duke of Somerset on the field of battle. ^
Seven weeks later, he again served under the victor-
ious banner of Queen Margaret at the second battle
of St. Albans, but he there received a wound ot
which he died on the fifth day. ^ He left issue : —
Alexander, who died before 1481.
Hugh, his eventual heir.
Jane, who married George Stewkley. ^
A daughter or daughters unnamed.
Very shortly before his death, James Luttrell char-
ged some of his lands in Sufiblk and Devonshire, and
others which he had acquired in Somerset, with a
payment of 50/. a year to John Loty, upon trust that
the money should accumulate in a chest to be sealed
by him and Elizabeth Luttrell, in order to provide
marriage portions for the younger children. ^
The triumph of the House of York was disastrous
to the Luttrells, who had been attached to the House
of Lancaster ever since the days of John of Gaunt.
Within a week of his accession to the throne, Edward
the Fourth ordered the sheriff and the escheator in
' D.C.M. xxxvii. 59. I Edw. IV. no. 43.
« Shaw's Knights of England, vol. ii. * Visitations of Somerset (ed. Wea-
p. 12. ver), p, 43.
* Wars of the English in France. ^ Inq. post mortem, I Edw. IV. no
(R. S.), vol. ii. p. 776 ; Inq. post mortem, 43 ; D.C.M. xxxvii. 15.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 123
Somerset and Dorset to seize all the possessions of
the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, the Earls of
Devon, Wilts and Northumberland, Sir James Lut-
trell and Sir Alexander Hody, in those counties. ^
Two months later, a somewhat wider commission
was issued to Sir William Herbert, Thomas Herbert,
John Herbert and Hugh Huntley, to take possession
of the lands of the Earls of Pembroke and Shrews-
bury and Sir James Luttrell, who are specifically
described as rebels. ^ For some unknown reason,
this commission was repeated in August. ' In the
meanwhile, the king had granted to Sir William
Bourchier the wardship and marriage of Alexander
Luttrell, the infant heir, as if it had fallen to the
Crown in the ordinary course. '' The Parliament,
however, which sat in November 1461 passed a
sweeping ordinance against all the chief supporters
of Henry the Sixth. Sir James Luttrell was therein
named amongst those who " with grete despite and
cruell violence, horrible and unmanly tyrannye
murdered the late Duke of York at Wakefield, and
who were consequently to " stand and be convycted
and attainted of high treason, and forfett to the King
and his heires all the castles, maners " and other lands
of which they were or had been possessed. ^ Lady
Luttrell had, in the earlier months of her widow-
hood, been tacitly allowed to receive the issues of the
lands settled on her in jointure, ^ and when the king's
officers took possession of these lands, she lodged a
complaint against them, protesting that she was a
loyal subject of the reigning monarch. A commission
» Calendar of Patent Rolls 1 461-1467, < Ibid. p. 19.
p, 32. * Roinli Parliamentoriim, vo\.v. pp.
' 3 Ibid. p. 30. 477, 479-
» Ibid. p. 99. ® D.C.M. I. 27.
124 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
of enquiry was accordingly issued in September 1462,
but it does not appear that she got much satisfaction. ^
In June 1463, the King granted to Sir WiUiam
Herbert, Baron Herbert, and the heirs of his body,
the honour, castle, manor and borough of Dunster,
the manors of Minehead and Carhampton, the hun-
dred of Carhampton, the manors of Kilton, East
Quantockshead, and Iveton, and lands at Kentsford,
Watchet, Exton, Vexford, Rixen, Stogumber, Wib-
well, Huish by Highbridge, and Cothelston, in
Somersetshire, the manors of Chilton and Blancombe
in Devonshire, the manors of Stonehall and Woodhall,
in Suffolk, and all other lands and profits to which
Sir James Luttrell had been entitled in possession or
in reversion. The fortunate grantee was to receive
all the issues as from the ist of March 1461, that is
to say the third day before the accession of the king. ^
This grant was renewed and enlarged in March 1465,
when some lands at Little Carhampton and Radlet
were mentioned by name, and the date was set back
to the 30th of December 1460, as named in the
retrospective attainder of Sir James Luttrell. ^
Honours and offices of profit were showered upon
the new owner of Dunster. In September 1466, a
marriage was made, or arranged, at Windsor between
his eldest son William, who was only five and a half
years of age, and Mary Woodville, sister of the Queen
of Edward the Fourth. William of Worcester relates
that, on that occasion, the king not only dubbed the
boy a knight but also created him ' Lord of Dunster,'
to the secret displeasure of the great Earl of Warwick,
and other magnates. * There is, indeed, no official
' Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1461-146'/, * Ibid. p. 366.
p. 231. * Wars of the English in France, vol,
» Ibid. p. 286. ii. p. 786.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 125
record of any such creation, but it is worthy of
remark that the younger WilHam Herbert is styled
' Lord of Dunster ' in some royal letters patent issued
during the lifetime of his father. ^ Lord Herbert,
the father, was, in September 1468, advanced to the
dignity of Earl of Pembroke. In the July following,
he was defeated and captured in a skirmish at Edgcote
near Banbury. The Lancastrians, against whom he
had been so active in previous years, took him to
Northampton and there beheaded him, with his
brother. Sir Richard Herbert. ^ The inquisitions
taken after his death make no mention of lands in
Somerset, Devon, or Suffolk, although it is stated
elsewhere that he died seised of the forfeited inherit-
ance of the Luttrells. ^ On the other hand, it is not
necessary to suppose that either of the Earls of Pem-
broke ever lived at Dunster Castle. Their main pos-
sessions lay on the north side of the Bristol Channel.
William Herbert, son and heir of the Earl of Pem-
broke, being still a minor at the time of his father's
execution, became a ward of the Crown. When the
care of his lands was entrusted to his mother, in
recompense of her dower, the property of the late Sir
James Luttrell in Somerset and Devon was specifically
excepted. The King, moreover, appointed PhiHp
Beaumont, esquire, to be constable of Dunster Castle
and steward of all the lordships and lands that went
with it.* So again, in 1472, the King appointed a
certain John Gogh to be bailiff of Dunster and keeper
o Marshwood Park. ^ Earher in the same year,
he had committed to his brother George, Duke of
' Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1467-1477, no. 21 ; 15 Edw. IV. no. 57.
p. 132. ■• Calendar of PatcntRolls, 1467-1477,
* Chronicles of the White Rose, pp. 24. pp. 174, 204.
III. * Ibid. p. 344.
^ Inq. post mortem, 9 & 10 Edw. IV.
126 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
Clarence, Peter Courtenay, the king's secretary, Sir
William Courtenay, Sir Philip Courtenay, and Sir
Thomas Fulford, knights, and John Courtenay, esquire,
the keeping of the manors of Minehead, Kilton,
Iveton and East Quantockshead, with the advowson
of this last, and lands at Exton, Vexford, Rixen and
Stogumber, during the minority of the young Earl
of Pembroke, free from rent. ^ The object of this
grant is not stated in the letters patent, but it becomes
tolerably clear when we find that the four Courtenays
named in them were the brothers of Lady Luttrell,
and that Sir Thomas Fulford was her brother-in-law.
Furthermore, the manors and lands so granted were
precisely those which she would have had in jointure
if her husband had not been attainted. Lastly, she
is mentioned elsewhere as the farmer of the manor
of Minehead during the minority of the Earl of
Pembroke. ^ We may perhaps ascribe her success in
this matter to the powerful influence of the Duke of
Clarence.
In December of the same year, the Earl of Pem-
broke's mother obtained a grant of the keeping of
the honour, castle, manor and lordship of Dunster,
and of other possessions of the late Sir James Luttrell,
except those mentioned above, at a yearly rent of
90/. ^ As the young Earl advanced in years, the
prospects of Lady Luttrell became steadily worse.
It was certain that, on attaining his majority, he
would eject her, the grant to her trustees being speci-
fically limited to the period of his nonage. In 1475,
therefore, she formally laid claim to the manors and
lands that had been settled on her during the life
' Calendar of Patent Rolls, i^by-i^yj, bundle 67, no. 176.
p. 330- ^ Calendar 0/ Patent Rolls, i^6y-i4^^
* Early Chancery Proceedings, p. 364.
CH. III. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 127
time of Sir James Luttrell, pleading a clause in the
act of attainder to the effect that the wives of the
persons attainted should, if born within the realm,
enjoy their own hereditaments. She stated that she
was a native of Exeter, and asked that an inquisition
in favour of the Herbert family should be set aside. ^
Inasmuch as a commission of enquiry was appointed,
and a Somerset jury endorsed her statements, it is
probable that her suit was successful. ^
In the proceedings of 1475, Lady Luttrell is
described as a widow. She had, in point of fact,
had two husbands. Sir James Luttrell had, as we
have seen, been mortally wounded at the second
battle of St. Albans and attainted. After his death,
she had married his cousin. Sir Humphrey Audley,
brother of Lord Audley, but he in turn was taken
prisoner at the battle of Tewkesbury and beheaded. '
Even in those distracted times of civil war, there
could not have been many widows who had, within
eleven years, lost two husbands fighting on behalf of
the unfortunate House of Lancaster. She eventually
married a third husband, Thomas Malet of Enmore
in Somerset, but, according to common medieval
custom, she retained the surname of Luttrell until
her death in the reign of Henry the Seventh. It
was under that name that she, in 1476, stood god-
mother to Richard, the short-lived son of her patron,
George, Duke of Clarence. * Her feelings at the
christening must have been mixed, for it was perform-
ed at Tewkesbury, the very place where her late
husband had lost his head.
' Calendar of Patent Rolls; 1467-1477, the White Rose, p. 127; Paston Letters,
p. 522. vol. iii. p. 9 ; Rotitli Parliantentonint,
* Iiiq. post mortem, 15 Edw. IV. vol. vi. p. 128.
no. 57. * Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. ii. p. 64.
^ D.C.M. XXXV. 24 ; Chronicles of
128 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iii.
Alexander Luttrell, the eldest son of Sir James and
Elizabeth, died young, in obscurity. On the death
of William Harleston, son of William Harleston by
Elizabeth his wife, daughter of Sir Hugh Luttrell,
in 1480, it was found that, under the entail of 1404,
a moiety of the manor of Debenham, in Suffolk,
called Blodhall, should pass to his cousin Hugh Lut-
trell, son and heir of Sir James. ^ Notwithstanding
the act of attainder, the King eventually allowed
Hugh Luttrell to receive this small portion of his
inheritance as a grant from the Crown. ^
In 1479, Edward the Fourth, wishing to confer
the Earldom of Pembroke on his own son, took it
away from William Herbert the younger, giving to
him in its stead the Earldom of Huntingdon. This
young nobleman had been allowed to enter upon his
lands before he was fifteen years of age, and he enjoyed
Dunster, Carhampton, and other Luttrell estates until
the end of the reign of Richard the Third.
' Inq. post mortem, 20 Edw. IV. * Calendar of Patent Rolls, 146^-147'^,
no. 100. p. 566.
Standard Bearer
FROM THE Luttrell Psalter.
CHAPTER IV.
The Luttrells of Dunster
1485—1551-
The signal victory of the Lancastrian party on the
field of Bosworth, in August 1485, revived the hopes
of all those who had been ejected by the Yorkists.
Henry the Seventh had not been on the throne many
weeks before some of them were reinstated. Among
them Hugh Luttrell, son and heir of Sir James Lut-
trell, presented a petition to the King in Parliament
setting forth that his father had been attainted " for
the true faith and allegiaunce which he owid unto
the right famous prince of moost blessed memory,
then his soveraine lord, Henry late King of England
the sixth, " and praying that the act of attainder
should be repealed, and consequent letters patent
made void. His petition was readily granted and
the agents of the Earl of Huntingdon made way for
the rightful lord of Dunster. ^
Hugh Luttrell, however, had serious trouble with
his mother. Dame Elizabeth, and her third husband,
Thomas Malet, with regard to the lands which she
claimed to hold in jointure, and some jewels, plate,
and household stuff, valued at 800 marks, which Sir
James Luttrell had bequeathed to his eldest son. At
last, after legal proceedings had been begun, a com-
1 Roiiili Parliametitorum, vol. vi. p. 297 ; D.C.M. i. 26.
130 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
promise was effected whereby Lady Luttrell retained
the manor of East Quantockshead, and Hugh under-
took to pay her 80 marks a year for the manor of
Minehead during her life. She and her husband then
delivered to him " two basons of silver, two ewers,
two gilte cuppes covered standyng, two pottes of
silver and gilt with a pot of silver, two saltes with one
cover, three boUes with one cover, a chafyng disshe
of silver, two doseyn spones, a chaleys, a masse boke,
a peir of vestementes, " and a list of the other goods
that should pass to him at her death. ^
Lady Luttrell lived some years longer, and at her
death, in 1493, ^^^ buried before the high altar in
Dunster Church. An incised stone slab, which has
since been removed to the south aisle of the chancel,
shows her attired in a sideless dress faced with ermine,
and a mantle lined with ermine, the neck bare, and
the head covered with a veil falling below the should-
ers. Two angels support a pillow, and there is the
usual dog at the feet. The inscription around it
runs : —
** Orate <:|ueBo |>ro dk bne (Bfi^dBet? feuttereff c\nc
o6iit pximo bie meitBis ^tptcm^txB anno ^ni ntiffio
cccc nona^eeio tercto. (Itunc QCre te pdimuB miBtttt'
<\B c\m x>mii rebime ptitos nofi batn^jnare rebem^)to6/*
This may be translated : —
" Pray, I beseech you, for the soul of Dame Elizabeth
Lutterell, who died on the first day of the month of Sep-
tember in the year of our Lord 1493. Now, O Christ, we
pray thee have mercy, and do not condemn the redeemed
whom thou earnest to redeem when lost. "
The second part of the inscription, as abbreviated,
' D.C.M. XXVIII. 18 ; XXXVII. 6i.
> ;DtfaJ oimicCH 01:1 a 0^ o\jo&tmoi/
G^@Tatp quDfo )jro a\a buo Gluabctj)
HrtiKwtU Ljte rtti-
DAME ELIZABETH LUTTKKLL.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 131
was apparently intended to make two hexameter
lines, though at the cost of several false quantities.
It occurs also, some thirty years later, on an alabaster
tomb at Oxford, where the standard of Latin scholar-
ship should have been higher than it was in West
Somerset. ^
Hugh Luttrell of Dunster was created a Knight
of the Bath at the coronation of Elizabeth of York,
wife of Henry the Seventh, in November 1487. ^ A
few days later, he received from his uncle Peter
Courtenay, Bishop of Winchester, a grant of the office
of Master of Poundsford Park, near Taunton, with an
annuity of 10/. for life. ^ He was Sheriff of Somerset
and Dorset for a year beginning in November 1488. *
Nine years later, he took the field against Perkin
Warbeck under the Duke of Buckingham. ^ When
the Princess Catherine of Arragon came to England
in 1 50 1, in order to marry the Prince of Wales, Sir
Hugh Luttrell was one of the seven knights and gen-
tlemen of Somerset who were selected to escort her
from Crewkerne to Sherborne.^ In 15 13, we find
him serving in the royal navy in the ship of Leonard
Fiscaballi. '
There is a mention of him in a letter from Giles,
Lord Daubeny, Chamberlain of the Household, who
died in 1508, to Sir John Trevelyan, with regard to
the royal forest of Exmoor : —
" I am enformed that of late a litle grugge Is fallen
bitwene my brother, Sir Hugh Luttrell, and you, for that
' Macleane's History of Pembroke Col- Luttrell was fined for assisting the
lege, p. 25. rebels seems to be founded on a mis-
' Shaw's Knights of England, vol. i. apprehension. Proceedings of Somerset
p. 142. Archaeological Society,vo\. xxv.pp. 71,74.
^ D. CM. XXXVII. 17 '^ Letters and Papers, Richard III and
* List of Sheriffs, p. 124. Henry VIL vol. i. p. 406.
* Holinshed's 'Chronicle,\o\. iii. p. 784. ' Letters and Papers, Henry VIU.
Mr. E. C. Batten's idea that Sir Hugh vol. i. p. 652.
132 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
he hunted of late in the outewods of the said forest, and
therupon a couple of hounds were taken up by servants of
yours from his servants. After that, cousyn, inasmoche as
my said brother Luttrell is a boderer (borderer) of the said
forest, and that ye know he hath maried my sister, and the
man whom I doo love tenderly, my mynde is and desire
unto you that ye shuld have an yghe unto hym above all
others in those parties. And that when it shall like hym
to kyll a dere or to hunt for his disporte, that ye suffer hym
soo to doe, I pray you as hertily as I can. Writen at
Grenewich the xx daie of Feverer.
"And 1 pray you, cousyn, let my said broder take his
disporte, and if he list let hym kyll one dere in somer and a
nother in wynter herafter. " ^
The allusion to Sir Hugh Luttrell as a borderer of
Exmoor is of course in respect of his property in the
extreme west of Somerset. There is, however, reason
to believe that he resided less at Dunster than at East
Quantockshead, where he appears to have built a con-
siderable part of the existing manor-house. To the
Herberts the Dunster estate had been merely a source
of revenue, and it is quite likely that they had suf-
fered the older parts of the Castle to fall out of repair.
At Minehead, Sir Hugh Luttrell built a small
pier and enlarged the harbour considerably, to the
great benefit of the little town. ^ In the reign of
Henry the Seventh he was the Admiral there, and,
on at least one occasion, he presided over a court of
Admiralty for the decision of a maritime case. ^
Sir Hugh Luttrell was married twice. His first wife
was Margaret, daughter of Robert Hill of Houndston,
near Yeovil, a military tenant of the honour of Dun-
ster, by Alice his wife, relict of William Daubeny of
Barrington.* This Robert Hill was buried in Dunster
' Tycvclyan Papers, vol. i. p. 120. logical Society, vol. xxxv. p. 50.
^ Hancock's Minehead, p. 288. ^ Weaver's Visitations of Somerset,
■' Piocccitings of Somerset Archceo- p. -^2 ; Trevelyaii Papers, vo]. up. 120.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 133
Church, but his arms are no longer to be seen there. ^
Sir Hugh Luttrell's second wife was Walthean
daughter of — Yard of Devonshire, and rehct of Walter
Yorke of Exeter and John Drewe. ^ Her third mar-
riage must have taken place in or before January i 508,
when Sir Hugh Luttrell settled the manor of East
Quantockshead on her in jointure. By subsequent
arrangements, she also obtained from him the manors
of Kilton, Iveton and Vexford for her life. ^ In con-
sideration of some services or payments unspecified,
the abbot and convent of Athelney, in 1 5 i o, admitted
Sir Hugh Luttrell and his wife to their fraternity
and sisterhood, promising to them all the benefits of
their common prayers, and undertaking to celebrate
mass for their souls after death. *
Sir Hugh Luttrell had issue by his first wife four
children : —
Andrew, his heir.
John, sometimes called John Luttrell ' the elder ' in
contradistinction to his nephew of the same name.
He was the ancestor of the Luttrells of Kentsbury
and Spaxton.
Elizabeth. She married Sir William Carent of Toomer,
in Somerset, who died in 1564. "
Eleanor. She married Roger Yorke, Serjeant at Law,
son of her step-mother Dame Walthean Luttrell. ^
It is uncertain whether Sir Hugh left any issue by
his second wife. Nothing is known as to the parent-
age of a certain George Luttrell who is mentioned
in 1580 as a 'servant' of Dame Margaret Luttrell.
1 Harl. MS. 1559, f. 235. * D.C.M. xxxvii. 19.
^ Leland's Itinerary, p. 166; Early ^ Rutchins's History of Dorset. vo].iv.
Chancery Proceedings, bundle 319, p. 112.
nos. 36-38. "^ D.C.M. XXIII. 22 ; Heralds' College
^ Inq. post mortem, E. H. 909 ; MS. C. 22. f. 393.
D CM. II. 5.
134 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
He had a son John, baptized at East Quantockshead
in 1 57 1. Ten years later, he was married there to
Cecily Smyth. He died in 1593, and she survived
until 161 3.
Sir Hugh Luttrell died on the i st of February 1 5 2 1 ,
and was buried at East Quantockshead.
Andrew Luttrell succeeded. He had been mar-
ried some years. On the 31st of March 15 14, Sir
Hugh Luttrell of Dunster entered into an agreement
with Sir Thomas Wyndham of Felbrigg in Norfolk,
the first provision of which runs as follows : —
" Andrew Luttrell, sonn and heire apparant of the saied
Sir Hugh, by the grace of God, shall mary and take to his
wiefe Margaret one of the doughters of the saied Sir Thomas,
or any other of the doughters of the said Sir Thomas suche
as the saied Androwe shall best lieke byfore the Wonysdaie
next after Lowe Soundaie next commynge after the date of
this presentes, after the cosdom and lawe of holye churche,
if the said Margaret or such of her sisters as the said
Androwe shall best lieke therunto will agree and the lawe
of holye churche it wyll permytt and suifer.
The time specified was certainly not over-long, as
there were only four weeks between the date of the
agreement and the last day allowed for the solemniza-
tion of the marriage. It was nevertheless stipulated
that if Andrew Luttrell should die during that brief
interval, his next brother, John, should, in his stead,
marry one of the daughters of Sir Thomas Wyndham
before Whitsuntide. Another clause runs : —
" The said Sir Hugh, at his proper costes and charges,
shall apparell the said Androwe or John that shall happen
to mary with one of the doughters of the said Sir Thomas
at the saied daie of maryage as shalbe convenyent for his
degree.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 135
Sir Thomas Wyndham on his side undertook to
" apparell " his daughter for the wedding, and to pay
one half of the charges of the dinner and other ex-
penses connected therewith. The bride's portion,
— seven hundred marks (466/. 13^. 4^/.), was to be
paid to Sir Hugh Luttrell in instalments, he settling
40/. a year on the young couple and giving a guarantee
that his son should eventually inherit the bulk of his
landed property. As both the parties to the intended
marriage were minors, the bride's father was to have
"the rule and governance" of them and their property
until the husband should come of age. ^
A legal settlement in pursuance of this agreement
was made in May, shortly after the marriage of
Andrew and Margaret on the 22nd of April. ^ The
bride belonged to a family which afterwards acquired
considerable property near Dunster. In 1537, she
received from her mother's sister, Elizabeth, Countess
of Oxford, a legacy of a tablet of gold. ^
It was perhaps natural that Andrew Luttrell should
quarrel with his step-mother. Dame Walthean, who
kept him out of part of his inheritance. In reply to
a bill filed against her in the Star Chamber, she stated
that after the death of her husband, Andrew Luttrell
" in Lent last past, of his wilfull and cruell mynde,
without any cause resonable, took her goodes and
catalles, not levyng her dische, pott, nother panne, "
and that she and her children and servants had
" stood in daily perell of their lyves, " until she went
up to London, leaving only a certain Lewis Griffyth
and an " impotent, power " almsman, eighty years
of age, to look after her interests at East Quantocks-
head. She professed, moreover, to have instructed her
' D.C.M. II. 3. * Nicolas, Testamcnta Vetusta,p. 676.
- Inq. post mortem, E. II. 943, no. 5.
136 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
agent to offer no resistance if Andrew Luttrell or any
one on his behalf should attempt to eject him from
the manor house. In such an event, she intended to
have her remedy at I^lw. A serious affray, however,
occurred in her absence. Two versions of it have
been preserved.
One of Andrew Luttrell's servants, John Gay by
name, complained to the King's Council that, on the
7th of June, I 52 1, Lewis GrifFyth and several other
evil-disposed persons assaulted him at East Quan-
tockshead, shot eleven arrows at him, one of which
pierced him through the left arm, while others
" grevosly strake hym in dyvers places of hys body,
so that and yff socoure of trees hadde nott byn, they
hadde kylled and murdered hym oute of hand." He
also said that he had received " a grette wonde in
the shilder " with a forest bill.
Griffyth's account of the matter is much more
detailed. He being in Quantock Park, "with his bowe
and his shaffes under his gyrdell, going abought to
recover a dere, being hurte, in a place called Blakwell,"
met Gay and two other men. Gay was armed with " a
longe peked staff " seven feet long, and his compan-
ions carried great axes. They said that they had
come, by command of their master, to take sixty
trees for posts, but he told them that this could not
be done without warrant from Dame Walthean, who
held the manor for her life. Furthermore, he, " to
fere the said John Gay and his felowes, shot an
arrowe wyde of them. " When Gay asked him " to
holde his hand, " he " took his cap in his hand and
desyered and tenderly prayed them to departe.
This they did, but they " wente into a place withyn
the said towne and there harnyssed them, and called
to them two idell persons, " and so returned, " two
ARMS OF SIR ANDREW LUTTRELL
ON THE LUTTRELL CARPET,
COTEHELE.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 137
of them havyng forest billes, the said Gay havyng the
said longe pyked staff, a hanger and a shorte dager,
and the residewe of them havyng grete axes in their
hands. " By hewing " an olde lying tree " within sound
of the manor-house, they made Griffyth believe that
they were felling trees, and when he came out, they
attacked him and " a chylde " of sixteen who was with
him. Gay may have been hurt in the fight, but Grif-
fyth was knocked down and injured with a forest bill
on the head and hand. Finally he and the boy were
taken three miles to the house of Lord Fitzwarren,
who caused them to be " fetered " and put for two
hours or more in his porter's lodge, whence they were
released only on payment of a fee to the porter. ^
It is impossible to say whether Gay's version or
GrifFyth's was the more truthful.
Andrew Luttrell was knighted in or before i 527. ^
He was appointed Sheriff of Somerset and Dorset in
November 1528."* Some five years later, he was a
servitor at the coronation of Anne Boleyn. * There
is a somewhat mysterious letter from him to Thomas
Cromwell dated at Dunster on the i6th of July
1537 '—
" Acordyng [to the] request made unto me by your late
letters yn the favowr of Mens. Pynto for the transportyng
of a sertyn lady owt of Portyngale hither, I have, as muche
as yn me ys, furnysshyd your sayd desyre, in suche sorte
that she ys here aryvyd yn safete wyth her gooddes, wyche
is extemyd to be of noo small summe. Nevertheles, for as
myche that y have percevyd, as well by conveans of her
sayd goodes by nyght, as also the receyving of her person
and company certyng dystance from the common porte that
y was apoynted to, that suche secrett thyngkes wrought yn
' star Chamber Proceedings, vol. xvi. ^ List of Sheriffs, p. 124.; D.C.M.
ff. 20-22. xxxvii. 21.
* Somerset Medieval Wills, vol. ii. * Letters and Papers, Henry VII J .
p. 264. vol. vi. no. 562.
138 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
her sayd conveance, that nether my shipe nor maryners
herafter can use there trade of merchandise thither without
danger, etc.
He therefore asks for the powerful minister's advice
and assistance " yfF any trobell shall chanyce unto me
or myne. " ^ Some explanation of the letter may be
found in the fact that Henry the Eighth was neutral
in the war between Charles the Fifth and Francis the
First. A few weeks later, another Portuguese lady
of rank and wealth, wishing to go to Flanders, thought
it prudent to sail in the first instance to an English
port, thus avoiding the northern coast of France. She
too had the assistance of the same Pinto, a Portuguese
merchant. ^
Sir Andrew Luttrell obtained some spiritual benefits
by sanctioning an arrangement under which the
impoverished Priory of Flitcham, in Norfolk, in
which he had some hereditary rights, should be
definitely united to the mother house of Walsingham.
The Prior and Convent of the larger and more famous
establishment, in 1530, admitted him and his wife to
their fraternity, making them partakers in all their
prayers. They undertook to provide an anniversary
mass for their souls after death, and to maintain a
canon who should celebrate daily on their behalf at
Flitcham. Lastly, they promised to supply them with
board and lodging for two days and nights every year
if they should wish to go to Walsingham, a noted
place for pilgrimages. ^
In a will dated the 14th of April 1538, Sir
Andrew Luttrell describes himself as ' of the parish of
East Quantock, ' the manor-house there being his
usual residence. He also directed that his body
* Letters and Pafers, Henry VIII. ^ Ibid. nos. 520, 757.
vol. xii. no. 265. ^ D.C.M. xxxvii. 20, 22.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 139
should be buried in the chancel of the church there,
before the picture of Our Lady at the north end of
the high altar, under the tomb and window to be
made there. To the church he bequeathed 5/. for
the purchase of a chalice, and to the high altar 20s.
for tithes overlooked. He also left 20s. to the mother
church of St. Andrew at Wells, and 40J. to the
Carthusians in London for two solemn obits with two
dirges. The Friars Minors of Bridgewater were to
receive 20s. a year for three years for solemn obits for
his soul,the souls of his parents and the soul of a certain
Hugh Trot. Thirty masses were to be said by as many
priests on the day of his burial, and money was to be
distributed to the poor on that occasion and on its
first anniversary. For a whole year, moreover, five
priests were to sing mass daily for his soul, with
special prayers on Wednesdays and Fridays, each
priest being paid 61. 1 3J-. 4^. yearly and provided
with the necessary singing-bread, wine, candles, vest-
ments and books.
The part of Sir Andrew Luttrell's will dealing
with secular matters specifies legacies to a godson and
to household servants. A silver cup was bequeathed
to the all-powerful minister, Thomas, Lord Cromwell,
so that he should be " good lord " to the testator's
wife and children. To his eldest son, John Luttrell,
he left all his raiment and his bows and arrows, and
to his wife. Lady Margaret, all the rest of his goods,
upon condition that she should surrender them if she
should marry again. Each of his younger children
was to have a fortune of 400 marks, the sons at the
age of twenty-one and the daughters at eighteen. ^
Sir Andrew Luttrell died a few weeks after the
Somerset Medieval Wills (ed. Weaver), vol. iii. pp. 41,42.
I40 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
date of his will and was buried at East Quantocks-
head. ' The tomb erected there in compliance with
his instructions has an arched recess, with late Gothic
cresting and panelling. On the lower part there are
three shields : — Luttrell ; Luttrell impaling Hill ;
and Luttrell impaling Wyndham. There are no
effigies on it and the slab has an inscription : —
'*j0m fugt Jgug;^ ULutivdf U^^^i w^^t be|>artgb 1522
t^e fgrst bag of S^Bruarg*
J^ere fiit ®^nbro B^uttteff ftngg^t ^ie 6one wg^e be^Jdrtgb
t^e gere of on?r forb (Bob mcccccxxxviijf t^t ixi) bag of
(gtag. On w^ogB BoufgB 3?u ^<^t)e mercg* **
The letters are badly cut and the year of Sir Hugh
Luttrell's death is given incorrectly. ^
Dame Margaret Luttrell lived to a great age, sur-
viving her husband by more than forty years. In
1543, she was registered as the owner of a ship of
100 tons belonging to the port of Minehead, but at
that time in London.^ Having a considerable joint-
ure, she was a powerful personage. As will be seen
hereafter, she invested some of her savings in the
purchase of the Priory of Dunster, after the dissolution
of the monasteries, thereby consolidating the property
of her successors. At her death in 1580, she was
buried beside her husband and her father-in-law at
East Quantockshead. *
Sir Andrew Luttrell left issue four sons and four
daughters : —
John, his heir.
' Inq. post mortem, E. H. i78,no.i6. * 1580, July 7. " Died the right wor-
* It isclearfrom the inquisition taken shipful Dame Margaret Luttrell and
after the death of Sir Hugh that he died was buried the 8th of August follow-
in 1520/1, not 1521/2. ing." East Quantockshead Register at
» Letters ami Papers, Henry VIII. Dunster Castle,
vol. xviii, part i, no. 547.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 141
Thomas, successor to his brother.
Nicholas, of Honibere, ancestor of the Luttrells of
Hartland Abbey in Devonshire, and of the Luttrells
of Saunton Court in the same county. ^
Andrew, named in the will of his brother. Sir John.
Margaret. She married Peter Edgcumbe of Mount
Edgcumbe in Devonshire, who died in 1 607. ^ As
executors and residuary legatees under the will of
her mother, they had long suits in Chancery
against George Luttrell of Dunster Castle. ^ It
was to Margaret Edgcumbe that Dame Margaret
Luttrell specifically bequeathed her best and largest
carpet, the magnificent example of heraldic em-
broidery which now hangs at Cothele. ^
Honor. She married Edward Barrow, at East Quan-
tockshead on the 26th of January 1561.
Cecily. She married Richard Rogers of Bryanston,
in Dorset, who was knighted some years after her
death, which occurred in 1566.^
Elizabeth. She married firstly Richard Malet of
Currypool in Charlinch. After his death in 155 i,
she married secondly Sir George Speke, K.B. of
Whitelackington, and died in or before 1561."
John Luttrell, eldest son and heir of Sir Andrew,
was under age at the time of his father's death.
Cromwell, not forgetful of the silver cup, at once took
him under his protection, and his name was entered
in a list of gentlemen suitable to be taken into the
King's service. ^ He was of course a ward of the
Crown, and, in June 1540, on the fall of his former
1 See Appendix. ■* See Appendix.
- The curious epitaph of Peter Edg- ^ D.C.M. xxxviii. 78.
cumbe at Maker is given in CoUins's * Somerset Medieval fVills (ed.
Peerage, vol. v. p. 329. Weaver), vol. iii. p. 130.
' Chancery Proceedings, Ee. 2. no. 49; ''Letters and Papers, Henry VUl.
Ee. 5. no. 6. vol. xiii. part ii. no. 1184.
142 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
patron, his wardship and marriage were given, or sold,
to Sir William Kingston. ^ Thirteen months later,
he received livery of his lands on attaining his major-
ity.^ Subject to the life interest of his mother. Dame
Margaret, the manor of East Quantockshead was, in
1543, settled on him and Mary his wife, who was a
daughter of Sir Griffith Ryce. ^ A further settlement
of the manor and borough of Dunster, the manors of
Kilton and Chilton Luttrell, and various lands, was
made on them in the following year. * From this
time forward, John Luttrell was seldom at home. On
Sunday the i ith of May 1544, immediately after the
capture and burning of Edinburgh, he was knighted
at Leith, by the Earl of Hertford, the English King's
Lieutenant in Scotland. ^ In the later part of the
same year, he was at Boulogne, in command of over
two hundred men. ^
In 1547, John Luttrell was again in Scotland,
serving under his former leader, who had been ad-
vanced to the dignity of Duke of Somerset, and he
led three hundred men in the vanguard of the English
army at the battle of Pinkie. A week later, he was
placed in command of the little island of Inchcolm,
situated in the estuary of the Forth, some two miles
from Aberdour and six from Leith. The Augustinian
canons who inhabited it had evacuated it, removing
apparently to Donisbristle. A contemporary chron-
icler waxes facetious over the substitution of soldiers
for men of religion : —
" Sir John Luttrell, knight, having bene, by my Lordes
grace and the counsell, elect abbot, by God's sufferance, of
the monastery of Sainct Coomes Ins afore remembered, in
' Patent Roll, 32 Hen. VHI. part i. < Ibid. 35 Hen. VHI. part 18, m. 8.
'"• 22- 5 Letters and Papers, Henry VIII.
^ Ibid. 33 Hen. VHI. part 3, m. 23. vol. xix. part i. no. 531.
I hid. 34 Hen. VHI. part g. in. 31. « Ibid, part 2, no. 799.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 143
the afternoon of this day (Saturday, 17th September) depart-
ed towards the island, to be stalled in his see thear accord-
ingly ; and had with him coovent of 100 hakbutters and 50
pioneers to kepe his house and land thear, and 2 rowe barkes
well furnished with ammunicion, and 70 mariners for them
to kepe his waters ; whereby it is thought he shall soon
becum a prelate of great power. The perfytness of his
religion is not alwaies to tarry at home, but sumtime to rowe
out abrode a visitacion, and, when he goithe, I have heard
say, he taketh alweyes his sumners ^ in barke with hym,
which are very open mouthed and never talk but they are
heard a mile of; so that either for loove of his blessynges or
fear of his cursinges, he is like to be the souveraigne over
most part of his neighbours. " ^
In point of fact, the garrison established in the old
abbey of Inchcolm soon became a cause of anxiety to
the English commanders. Instead of being able to
control the navigation of the Western Forth, Sir John
Luttrell w^as for a time invested by a leaguer of
Scottish ships and boats, under an abbot and James
Dogge, who were sanguine of capturing the rock. ^
Although no assault was actually made, he found
himself almost powerless in the face of two men of
war, one of them of 80 tons burden. Having sent
the Sucre to England, to procure timber, coal, and
other necessaries, he had only the Double Rose, which
was " lytell and open. " " Ther ys nothinge, " he
writes on the 2nd of November, " thatt grevys me
so myche as that I cannott have on suyche shyppe,
wythe my pynnays, as the Wyllyby ys wyche yf I
had had, the prisys that I have lost wold have paid
ther chargys for 4 or 5 monythys. " ^
' Summonersor apparitors were offi- 93, gives an account of Inchcolm, with
cers of courts of law. The allusion is, three illustrations,
of course, to pieces of artillery. ' State Papers, Scotland, Edw. VI.
^ Patten's Expedition into Scotland vol. ii. no. 5.
of Edward, Duke of Somerset. Dick- * Ibid. no. 27.
son's Emeralds chased in Gold, pp. 37-
144 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
In another letter of the same date, he describes to
the Protector Somerset his attempt to take a French
ship " of 2 toppys " that had failed to get into harbour
at low tide. The pinnace from Inchcolm " bett herr
wyth herr artyllerye and shotte so often thoroghe and
alongeshypp of the Frenche menne that they gave
greate cryes wythynn borde and ranne herr ashore
agaynst the chapyl att Lythe, where the pynnys bett
herr still thorow wythyn poynte blancke, and had
broft herr awaye yf hitt hadd nott bynne for the
number of botys that laye under the Frenche mannys
foreship. " The Scots then mounted on the shore
two pieces of brass and ten large iron pieces of artillery,
and so drove off the pinnace and her boat. The ship
was towed into harbour at high tide, to the great
disappointment of the captain of Inchcolm, who be-
lieved her to be laden with wine and other commodi-
ties for the Governor of Leith. ^
One of Sir John Luttrell's great difficulties was the
want of fuel. " I am, " he writes, " macchyd wythe
suyche stobborne neyhbors that yf I be a colde, they
gyve me leve [to] blowe my fyngers, whose gentylnes,
as I maye, I shall ryght well accquytt, and the better
whenseover hitt shall please the Concell tapoynt me
wherwytheall." ^ In another letter, he says : — " I
have bynne dryvenn to burne too botys, to cutt downe
and burne 2 or thre lytell treys thatt grew aboute the
howse, and yett yn thend have benn fayne to goo to
the Fyfe syde to scyrmyshe wythe them for to gett
owte some of theyr botes to burne, wher I have lost
2 of my menn. "
On the arrival of an English ship, the Scots with-
drew, and Sir John Luttrell sent away all the pioneers,
' S. p. Scotland, Edw. VI. vol. ii. ' Ibid.no. 27.
no. 28.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 145
keeping only a few artificers to make doors, iron work
and walls to support platforms, and some very
" simple " soldiers. *
In November, Lord Grey of Wilton ordered the
master of ordnance at Newcastle to send certain spe-
cified munitions to Inchcolm, but some of them got
lost, and an inventory of the arms on the island des-
cribes an iron culverin as "broken at the mouth," and
a demi-culverin as "full of honycombes and blow, "
so that "none dare shute it."^ At the end of the
month, the Council ordered that Sir John Luttrell
should be reinforced and supplied with necessaries, but
that he should be told to use the Double Rose for the
time, to fortify the western part of the island, and to
economize his powder. ^ It was considered very
doubtful whether, in the winter, provisions could be
conveyed from the Tay to Inchcolm more than once
a month. *
On the 8th of January 1548, Lord Grey wrote as
follows to the Duke of Somerset, from Wark worth : —
" It male please your Grace. It hath bene by dyvers
showed unto me of the forwardnes of service of Sir John
Luttrell. And having this present daie receyved from hym
intelligence of his proceedinges in those parties, I thought
good to signefie thereof to your Grace, whereby the same
maie perceyve howe willingly he escueth idelnes, and dayly
studdyeth for thannoyance of his yll neighbours.
" Fyrst, he wryteth howe before Crystmasse, he sent a
lytle boote he hath, wiche roweth with six cores, unto the
north ferry, in the nyght, where he tooke the ferrie boote
harde from the towne, wiche boote wyll lande well 80 men.
" He wryteth also howe twoo daies before Crysmasse,
he landyd at Aberdoorie, skyrmyshed with them and burnt
» S. P. Scotland, Edw. VI. vol. ii. ^ Ibid. no. 49.
no. 28. '' Ibid. no. 67 (iii).
- Ibid. nos. 45, 51.
146 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
a house harde at the townes ende ; but the contrey came so
faste upon them that they war compelled to retyer.
" On Crysmasse dale in the nyght, he gave them a
camysado ' at the north ferrye, and burnt all the towne, but
most parte of the men fled, and for hast lefte there geldinges
behinde, whiche war slayne and burnt in a house they thought
to kepe.
" The thirde daie after Christmasse, he landyd at Burnt
Ilande and brent certayne bootes in the pyer and all suche
howses as they had newe buylt there, where he had three
prowde onsettes gyven by the Skottes ; yet he repulsed
them, and at the same [time] slewe 1 6 of them and, as he
thinke, many hurte with shott ; after the wiche he went to
a castle that standeth on the weste parte of the ilande, and
out of the same there rendered unto hym a riche man and
his Sonne who dwelled in it, and hath brought them both
with hym, and had the hoole spoyll of the house, and so
retorned and mett with one hundreth freshe Skottes wiche
cam from Kynghorne, thinking to have putt our men from
there bootes, but they safely embarked and with there shott
hurte and slewe dyvers of the Skottes ; and of our men
twoo hurte. " ^
One may wonder that it was thought worth while
to trouble the Protector with such petty details, but
they are of some interest as illustrations of the
manner in which the English were trying to subdue
the Scots. Thomas Wyndham, Sir John Luttrell's
half-uncle, distinguished himself by burning a con-
vent, and bringing away the nuns and the gentlemen's
daughters who were at school there. ^
Various provisions were thrown into Inchcolm in
the winter, but, in February 1548, it was resolved to
evacuate the place, and the garrison had a stormy
voyage thence to Broughty Craig on board the Mary
Hamborough. *
' Camisado, an attack in one's shirt, no. 5.
i.e. a night attack. New English Diet- ^ Ibid. no. 2.
ionarv, vol. ii. i Ibid. vol. ii. nos. 57, 65 ; vol. Hi.
' S. P. Scotland, Edw. VI. vol. iii. nos. 10, 69.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 147
On the 6th of March, Sir John Luttrell writes to
the Duke of Somerset : —
" Accordinge unto your plesure by yowr late letters
adresyd, 1 have ruynatyd the fortyfycatyonne off Combys
Ynche and the howse ther bothe in suyche sorte as thenymye
shall by the same nether receyve comodyte ner force ; and
frome thence aryvyd yn thys ryver off Taye the fyrst of
Marche, wythe suyche munytyon, vytayle, planke and
tymber as I myght thenn transporte, havynge so lytell stoage
for the same, for wher the vyz admirall here hadd apoyntyd
certeyne plates or hoyes unto me for to shyppe the same,
on of the gretyst burdyn of thos toke another course ynto
sume part of Ynglonde, by reason wherof I was enforcyd
as well to burne suyche tymber and planke as I was ther
dryvyne to leve, and a portyon of byscet, cheyse and here,
wyche yndede was suyche and so yll as no manne myght
occupye. " ^
He was destined for the command of Dundee, but
on going there with Sir Thomas Palmer, he found
that it would not be practicable to make such a
citadel as would dominate the town. Accordingly,
he was put in charge of a new fort on a hill near
Broughty Craig. In writing on the subject to the
Duke of Somerset, he describes himself " as on that
nether have respecte to placys nor what paynys I take
in cacys wher I do the Kinges majeste servys and
content your Grace. " ^ Two days later, he says — "I
truste I shall employe myselfe so yn settyng forwarde
of the workes as shalbe to your Gracys contentatyonne,
not dowting butt that I shall yelde a good accompt
of the same, yf famyn do not more hurt thenne feare
of other attemptes. " ^
On the iith of April, he writes to Sir Thomas
Holcroft and Sir Francis Leake, asking for supplies
' S. p. Scotland, Edw. VI. vol. iii. ^ Ibid. vol. v. no. 3 (misplaced).
no. 68. ' Ibid. no. 5 (misplaced).
148 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
of biscuit, beer, butter, horses, carts, masons and
money. ' On the last day of the month, he pours
forth his grievances to the Protector : —
" Wheras hytt aperyd unto me by yowr Gracys letters
addressyd unto me by my brother and beringe date the 22
of Februarye thatt artyffycers were comandyd hyther att
that present, may hytt pleas your Grace to understand ther
ys nott one aryvyd here as yett, besyde the want of whome
the gretyst laccke of all ys nott as yett suplyed, wyche ys of
vyttallys, spetyallye of byscett and drinke, I meane suyche
proportyone as ys requysit for a somer's store, and, sondrye
wyndes bringe overslypt, ther ys yett no hope of their aryvall
herr untyll the last howre, and thenn how the wynd and
passage shall prove yowr Grace know ys dowtfull.
" I cannot butt jugge a great fawt yn yowr Gracys mynes-
ters and comysyoners of the northe part, wheryn yf remedye
be no hadd, all my travaylle here maye lytell suffyce. "
" Whatt commodyte is ther fownde yn the raysynge of the
bulwerkes here and turfynge of the same, whenn, for the
laccke of a few masons and nessessarys for them, the same
fallys dayle downe and fyllys the dykes agayne, as even
presently the ester part of the northe est bullwerke ys fallyn
downe, with suyche abundance of yerthe that the powre of
a hundrythe cannons could nott make a more perillus
breache ? "
" The powre soldyers here ar enforcyd to suyche a nyght-
lye wacche and dayle travayll withall as I darr saye yn tyme
of seyge ytt canne be no whytt greater, by reasone wherof
they tall dayle syccke, so as att thys present there ys yn the
fort and castell welner a hundrythe syccke and not able to
come unto the wallys Consyder the travayle of the powre
menn havinge nothinge butt salt meates. "
" As for my part, yf hytt wolde pleas yowr Grace tapoynt
a manne of suyche dyscretion as yow myght better trust, I
wolde rather trayle the pyke agayne as a soldyer under hyme
then havinge charge and wantynge credytt. "
" Besyde the lose of fortyfynge for laccke wherwithall, I
canne neyther have powder, ledd, nor any other want sup-
' S. p. Scotland, Edw. VI. vol. iv. no. 7.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 149
plyed thatt I have wryttenn for. As for herkebusys, here ys
not thre able to serve nor one thatt wylbe sent. "
" Macche the powre menn have benne enforcyd to make
of ther shyrtes, welnere thys 3 monythys, and not yett sent.
Monytyone also for fyar worke nor cresset lyght I canne
gett none, to se the dykes cleryd yn the nyght, werbye the
Scottys come nyghtly ynto my dykes. "
" I am suar yi yowr Grace knew how the powre soldyers
here ar dyscoragyd with ther aforsayd travayle and myserye,
yow wold bothe of yowr pryncelye goodnes pyte them, and
dowt the ynconvenyence thatt may folowe of hytt. Thaye
saye they have servyd 18 monythes and never hadd
throghe paye, which ys a great tyme. I am, yowr Grace
knowys, butt one manne amonges them, and nottwith-
standinge thatt I have and do kepe them yn suyche awe and
obedyence thatt thaye darr nott utter ther seccrett murmur-
inges, I am fayne to seme nott to hyar all, and, havinge
myselfe the same want thay have, they ar content to take
lyke paynys with me, for ther purse and table ys bothe fur-
nyshyd as myne ys, and bycawse they se I am also partaker of
ther wacche and travayle, thay do the lesse complayne. "
" I wold wyshe yowr Grace shuld send rather att the fyrst
200 menne to myche thenn so many to few. I juge 400
handsome soldyers, and all haccbuters were with the lest,
besyde on hundrythe masons, wherof 50 quaryers, and good
store of pycckaxys, with style and ashe ynoghe for helvys
(handles), all manner of other monytyon lykewyse, as barows,
bascekettes, crowys and 2 able fornyshed cartes with horsys,
att the last 2 or thre hoyes also laden with strawe, with
wyche I wyll rayse the utter part of the worke att lest
5 fote The Scottes and Frenchemenne here determyne
to take hytt owt of hande. "
" Thabbott of Pasle came hyther with 2 anseynys of
Frenchemenn frome Jedworthe to scale the forte, and broght
with hyme all hys adherentes off Fyfe, so thatt, as 1 exteme,
with Frenche and Scottys, they were 2 thowsand fotemenn and
500 horse, which thaye preparyd to kepe the pasage betwyne
the fort and the castell, to thend thatt whenn the powder here
shuld have benne brent, ther myght no freshe relyfe be hadd
from benethe. Whenn the howre apoyntyd came, I had
1 50 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
preparyd 2 demy barrelles of powder, wich I fyryd yn the
dyke, with wich the Scottys gave a sodenne showte ; butt
whenn they should have come to the sawt (assault), as farr
as we withyn myght understand, thaye begann to stryve who
shuld come fyrst, and nott beinge agreyd therapponne thay
thoght hytt better to retyre agayne with wett cotes thenn to
cleme wallys, and so retyryd ; my lorde of Dunkelles lorde-
shipp being myche ashamyd hys empryse (enterprise) toke
no better succes. And yn dede I sent hyme suyche a
moccke the same mornynge by my drome to Dunde thatt hys
sprytuall patyence was myche ofendyd withall. " ^
On the 20th of June, Sir John Luttrell wrote to the
Protector in much better spirits, having been abund-
antly furnished w^ith victuals for the fort and for the
castle alike. Although the supply of drink was not
altogether satisfactory, he was able to husband it,
having abundance of good water. Sixteen galleys
and " a bryggandyn, havinge a lytell Scottyshe bote
for ther gyde " had recently anchored off the coast of
Fife, and he had greeted them with " the fyrst salve,
wyche the lykyd so yll " that they withdrew. He
had been daily " attendyd " by 500 or 600 horsemen
and such footmen as the neighbourhood could supply,
but he had given them such " playe " that they would
not come within a mile of the fort, whence he could
not be provoked to sally forth to skirmish with
them. He had turfed the new works so high that
they could not be approached without ladders, and he
had " platformyd " the castle towards the water, and
" vamuryd hitt with fayre lopys 6 fote thycke." The
fort must have been of some size, as two " plowys
and oxen" and eighteen horses that he had seized were
constantly employed in carrying turf. ^
> S.P. Scotland, Edw. VI. vol. iv. ■ Ibid. no. 38.
no. 14.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 151
Lord Grey of Wilton was not so well satisfied, for
he wrote on the 25 th of the same month : —
" I have dyvers tymes requyred Sir John Luttrell that, in
the depeche of his souldiours or laborers, he wolde eyther
paie them throughly or sende me worde of the true debte
unto them, so as nether the poore may be enwronged, nor
the Kinges majestie further burdened then reason is, and yet
now agayne here is arryved 30 or 40 poore laborers, syckly
and weake, who saith they be not payd any one peny syns I
sent them thither, nor bring with them any pasporte or other
declaration of their due. " ^
On the other hand the Protector highly commended
Sir John Luttrell's good service, and empowered him
to treat with the Earl of Argyll, who, it was thought,
might be tempted by promises of English gold. ^
In the autumn of i 548, Luttrell had several sharp
skirmishes with Sir David Graham of Fintrie and
other neighbours, and killed a considerable number of
the soldiers and townsmen who were holding Dundee.
In one of his forays, he captured the eldest son and the
nephew of the laird of Panmure, ten hakbutters, more
than 700 " white beasts " and 1 20 " horned beasts. " '
On the 7th of November, some English ships in the
Tay landed men at Dundee and, with assistance from
Sir John Luttrell, drove out the townsmen. As soon,
however, as the soldiers began to loot the place, James
Dogge fell upon them and drove them out in turn,
with a loss of thirty killed. The English recaptured
the town the next day, but abandoned it very shortly. *
On the 3rd of December, the Earl of Angus and
the Rhinegrave, with 50 lances and 200 light horse-
men, appeared before Broughty Craig, and Sir John
• S.P. Scotland, Edw. VI. vol. iv. Vhistoire de I'Ecosse, vol. i. p. 195.
no. 40. * S.P. Scotland, Edw. VI. vol. iv.
* Ibid. no. 45. , nos. 114, 115, 118.
2 Teulet, Papiers d'Etat relatifs a
152 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
Luttrcll, " seeing that they sought some pastime, "
sallied out with thirty horse and some footmen. After
some skirmishing, the Rhinegrave retired and tried to
lead the English into an ambush. Luttrell had, how-
ever, foreseen such a scheme and had stationed some
signalmen in the fort, to watch the movements of the
enemy. Duly informed by them, he retired to a hill
and there gallantly defended himself against superior
numbers until reinforcements, hidden behind the hill,
came up. The enemy were thus caught in the trap
which they had prepared for him. Panic-stricken they
fled, and their leaders could not induce them to stop
until they were safe within the town of Dundee.
The pursuit would have been more effective if the
English captain had had more than thirty horsemen,
but nevertheless he had reason to be satisfied with
the day's work. A young French gentleman was
found dead on the field. Eighteen of the Germans
met their fate in the river Dighty and many more on
dry land. Sixteen of them and two Scots were taken
prisoners. Many, including the Rhinegrave himself,
were wounded. The details of this affair come, curi-
ously enough, from a Spanish source. ^
The last of Sir John Luttrell's letters that has been
preserved is an urgent application for leave of absence,
written at Broughty on the 22nd of January 1549,
and addressed to the Duke of Somerset : —
" I have receyved, with the last convoye of victualles that
cam hether, a letter from my mother, wich I have sent yower
Grace enclosed herein, to thend that, seing the good offer
she hath made me for thadvauncement of my poore levyng,
it might the rather please yower Grace's pryncelye honour to
fordre me therin. Wich doing, I shall be the abler to serve
the Kynges majestie and yower Grace, as one that dowteth
' Teulet, pp. 202-204.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 153
not to shewe myself so as yower Grace shall perseyve both
that and all the rest that I possesse shall be bent alwayes unto
his maister's servyce — so as it might please yower Grace to
serve hyr fanceye and my commodyte at thys tyme for my
commyng home presentlye.
" And because yower Grace shall the better perceyve the
offer that she hath made me, may it please yower Grace to
understand that the manor of Myniett (Minehead) that she
promyseth me, is 120/ by the yeere, besydes that hyr joynter
is almost 300 marke with hyr demeynes, as I gesse it, wich
wyll be, as yower Grace maye consydre, a great advauncement
of my poore levyng, besyde the helpe that I shall procure at
hyr handes, and my mother in lawes, for the payment of my
dettes, wich if I shold not take now when it is offred me, I
never loke to come unto it. For iff shee shold take a fancye
in hyr head to marrye, I were utterlye undone ! "
" Notwithstandyng my busynes with my mother, 1 wyll in
the meane tyme so furnyssh myselfe with horse and harnes
that, in the begyning of this somer, my trust is I wyll be in
as good order to serve yower Grace in the feld as no gentyl-
man, I trust, in all Ingland shall be better of my abyllyte
and power.
" Humblye desyryng yower Grace in the meane tyme to
heere my humble sute, for, besyde the goodnes of my mother
unto me, 1 have a great deale of monye to paye unto my
creditours, for whome I must provyde payment, or other-
wyse it wyll be more to my dyspleasure then I maye well
beare. " ^
Dame Margaret Luttrell's letter, which w^as en-
closed in the preceding, has disappeared, but we may
fairly infer that she had offered to clear the manor of
Minehead of the charge which her husband, Sir
Andrew Luttrell, had made upon it for the benefit
of his younger children. ^ It seems clear that Sir
John Luttrell was not allowed to leave his post even
for a few months. He was trusted as a diplomatist
no less than as a soldier, and, in March 1549, he was
' Hamilton Papers, vol. ii. p. 627. p. 42; D.C.M. xxix. 28.
^ Somerset Medieval Wills, vol. iii.
154 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
appointed one of the two English commissioners to
treat with the Earls of Argyll, Athol and Errol and
others, with a view to the expulsion of the French
from Scotland, and a marriage between Edward the
Sixth and Queen Mary.' The negotiation, how^ever,
came to nothing. ^ The last of Sir John Luttrell's
exploits seems to have been a raid in which he burned
several villages and took prisoner a certain Monsieur
de Toge, as recorded in the journal of the young
English King. ^
In the early part of 1550, the Scots resolved to
make a serious attack upon Broughty Craig. Al-
though described as " behind the age both in the rais-
ing and the besieging of fortified places, " they were
encouraged and aided by their more experienced allies
from France. * The sequel may be given in the words
of a Scottish chronicler : —
" Monsieur de Thermes, with the assistance of the Gov-
ernour, quha accompaneit him in all his interprices, came
forduarte to the toune of Dundie in the beginning of
Fabruar ; quhair having prepared sic thingis as wes necessar
for the seiging of the fort, he laid the battre thairto apoun
the south eist pairt thairof, and cuttit away all moyens, pas-
sages and intelligences betuix the fort and the castell of
Broughtie, so the fort culd haif no kinde of ayd nor releyf
frome the sey ; and eftir the same was doung doun with
gret ordinance, the assailt was gevin thairto, baithe with the
Scottis and Frenche men the xx day of Fabruar ; quhair
the Inglismen maid resistance and defence at the first entering,
bot thay war so curageouslie and stoutlie assailyet that thai war
dung frome the wallis, and the most part of thame all quhilk
was within the fort war slayne, and the rest taikin presoners.
" The nixt day, the Inglismen quha kepit the castell of
Broughtie, fering the like to cum to thame, randerit the
' S.P. Scotland, Edw. VI. vol. v. ^ Burnet's History of the Rcjormation.
nos. 12, 13. ^ Burton's History of Scotland, (ed.
* Calendar of State Papers, Scotland, 1897) vol. iii. p. 278.
^547-Jj6j. p. xvi.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 155
castell, having onlie thair liffis saif. So that haill cuntrey
wes clenged of the Inglismen immediatlie. " ^
The less circumstantial English chroniclers antedate
the fall of Broughty Craig by a couple of months,
and state that the Scots slew all its defenders except
Sir John Luttrell, whom they took prisoner. ^ This
is clearly an exaggeration, but there is no doubt that
the avenging Scots scandalized their foreign allies by
their unwillingness to give any quarter. ^
The English government did not fail the captive
in his time of trouble. As early as the 5 th of March,
the Council at Westminster ordered the Warden of
the East and Middle Marches " to do what he can
for the delyvery of Mr. Luttrell, and, at his arryval,
to helpe him with money for his cummyng, which
shalbe repayed. " Two days later, they issued a war-
rant for no less than 400/. " for the raunsom of Mr.
Luttrell and others taken at Browghty Crag. " *
Furthermore, at the end of the same month, it was
resolved that three Gordons, who were hostages for
important Scotsmen, should be delivered to Thomas
Wyndham " to be by him conveyed to Sir John
Luttrell for his relief. " ^ Wyndham, it will be re-
membered, was Sir John's half-uncle.
The late captain of Broughty Craig was in due
course released from captivity, and, in June 1550, the
Council resolved : —
" That Sir John Luttrell, in consideration of the notable
good service he hath doone unto the Kinges Majistie during
all his warres, shall have landes to the value of 100 markes
by the yere during his Highnes pleasure. " '^
' Lesley's History of Scotland, p. 251. ii. pp. 406, 407. Knights were often
* HaywaTd'sLifcandrcigno/Edwai'd styled "Mr." in the sixteenth century.
VI. in Kennett's Complete History, vol. ^ Ibid. p. 421.
ii, p. 291; Stowe's ^«na/s, p. 601. ^ Ibid. vol. iii. p. 58; Patent Roll,
^ Burton, p. 279. 4 Edw. VI. part 5 ; D.C.M. xxxvii. 27.
* Acts of the Privy Council, N.S. vol.
156 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
Although defeated, he was in no sense disgraced,
and, later in the year, he extracted from the govern-
ment no less than 3,200/. for " the waiges of himself
and his souldiours in the Northe. " '
There is at Dunster Castle a most interesting pic-
ture on panel commemorative of Sir John Luttrell's
rectitude and courage in adversity. It represents him
as half immersed in the sea, not far from a man-of-war
flying the red cross of St George, but in a desperate
condition, struck by lightning and in flames. He is
wading ashore, without any clothes except a large
scarf tied round his right arm which he holds upright,
with the fist clenched. A bracelet round the wrist of
this arm is inscribed : — " Nee Jiexit lucrum, '^SS'^'> "
while the corresponding bracelet on the left arm is
inscribed : — " Nee f regit discrimen.
In a cloud above is a group of female figures. The
largest of them, as naked as Sir John himself, is laying
her left hand on his outstretched arm, and holding in
the right a sprig of olive. The others hold respect-
ively a peacock, a breastplate, a helmet, a sword,
a purse, and a horse. On a rock below there is the
following inscription : —
" More the the rock amydys the raging seas,
The constat hert no dager dreddys nor fearys,
s. I. L."
Lower on the rock is the date " 1550 " and the
monogram of the painter " IE. "
This monogram, the allegorical character of the
picture, and the execution alike show it to be the
work of Lucas d'Heere. The date, however, presents
some difficulty, inasmuch as this artist is stated to have
been born at Ghent in 1534, so that he would have
' Ads of the Privy Council, pp. io6, 135, 243.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 157
been only sixteen years of age in 1550. ^ An ingenious
theory that the date should read " 1558, " part of the
last figure having been obliterated, proves on examin-
ation altogether untenable.^ Sir John Luttrell was not
living in 1558 ; a replica of the picture at Badmon-
disfield Hall in Suffolk bears the earlier date ; and a
portrait by Lucas d'Heere of Thomas Wyndham, Sir
John Luttrell's half-uncle, at Longford Castle, is in-
scribed " ^TATis XLii. MDL. " It is possiblc that
both the pictures were painted by order of Dame
Margaret Luttrell some time after 1550, in order to
commemorate the valour displayed by her son and her
half-brother in the war of that year. On the whole,
however, it is far more probable that there is an error
as to the date of the birth of Lucas d'Heere, and that
he painted these companions in arms from life soon
after their return from Scotland in 1550.
Before very long, the picture at Dunster was slightly
altered by the addition of the head of a drowning man
and other minor accessories, with two Latin couplets
on the rock : —
" Effigiem renovare tuam^ fortisstme miles^
Ingens me meritum fecit amorque tui^
Nam nisi curasses heredem scrihere fratrem^
Hei^ tua contigerant prcedia nulla mihi,
1591. G.L. "
The best translation ofthehnes yet offered runs : —
" Your great desert and my regard for you
Cause me, brave knight, your portrait to renew.
For had you not your brother made your heir,
None of your lands had fallen to my share. "
The initials of the restorer are those of George
Luttrell of Dunster Castle, nephew of Sir John. The
' Van Mander, Le Livre clcs Peiiit- ' Mr. Lionel Cust, in Atcliaeologia,
res. vol. liv. p. 77.
158 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
additions are not to be seen on the replica at Badmon-
disfield Hall, which must consequently be anterior to
I 591. It may have been painted for one of Sir John
Luttrell's daughters, but nothing is known about its
history.
Writing in the middle of the eighteenth century,
Thomas Palmer of Fairfield notices the portrait of Sir
John Luttrell at Dunster, and mentions a tradition then
current that it referred to his " having saved a certain
lady from drowning, whom he was then in love
with, and afterwards married. " ^ Later on, Collinson
quotes these words from the manuscript on which he
so largely relies, but suppresses the fact that Palmer
did not believe the story. ^ Lastly, Savage, accepting
it implicitly, makes matters even worse by saying that
the lady is represented as secured to the man's arm by
a handkerchief, and that a figure of victory " appears
as if ready to crown him with laurel. " ^ Victory,
forsooth, after the disaster at Broughty Craig ! Suffice
it to observe that the picture does not show any crown
of laurel, that the only drowning figure (added in 1591)
is that of a man with a large moustache, and that Sir
John Luttrell had been married some seven years
before the date inscribed. The romantic story and
the erroneous description of the picture are alike
characteristic of the period to which they belong.
After three centuries and a half, one cannot be cer-
tain of understanding every allusion in this allegorical
picture, and one may easily credit its author with
ideas that never passed through his brain. The gen-
eral meaning of it is, however, clear enough. It is
not necessary to suppose that Sir John Luttrell ever
sufi'ered actual shipwreck. The year 1550 witnesses
' ^^IS. at St. Audiies. 3 Hisiory of the Hundred of Car-
' History oj Somerset, vol. ii, p. 12. Hampton, p. 445.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 159
the wreck of the English cause in Scotland. Sir John
Luttrell, one of its chief representatives, is a prisoner,
denuded of all that he values most. He does not,
however, give way to unseemly grief. No offer of
lucre can turn him from his duty ; no danger can
break his lofty spirit. In a sea of misfortune he
stands erect. The rainbow of hope appears in the sky
and the darkest cloud shows a silver lining. The
goddess of peace takes him by the arm and holds forth
a sprig of olive symbolical of the treaty concluded
between England and Scotland. Behind her stand her
satellites, ready to restore to the hero all that he has
recently lost. ^
If the letters ' S.I.L. ' stand for English words, they
may be taken to represent the name of the subject of
the portrait. Sir John Luttrell. If on the other hand
they stand for Latin words, an interpreter has a wide
field before him, sententia, simulacrum, somnium and
other nouns being possible extensions of the first letter.
Although Sir John Luttrell was often in want of
money wherewith to pay his soldiers, there is little
foundation for Collinson's statement that, being " ex-
tremely desirous of glory, " he " greatly wasted the
fair patrimony which descended to him from his
ancestors, selling great part of his demesnes at Dunster,
Kilton and elsewhere. " ^ A mortgage that he had
made of Minehead Park was, indeed, foreclosed by his
cousin Hugh Stewkley, a grasping lawyer, but Dame
Margaret Luttrell intended to pay it off, and Stewk-
ley was charged with behaving dishonestly in the
matter. ^ The property thus lost consisted of two
1 The peacock may perhaps be an the scarf had some definite meaning,
extended version of the Luttrell crest. ^ History of Somerset, vol ii. p. 12.
Dr. Warre thinks that it suggests the ^ Inq. post mortem, C. H. 106, no.
presence of Juno. He also sees a true 55; Chancery Proceedings, Series II,
lover's knot in the arrangement of the bundle 113, no. 76; D.C.M. xxi.x 37.
scarf. There can be little doubt that
i6o A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
hundred acres of agricultural land which had ceased
to be maintained as a park in the time of Sir Andrew
Luttrell. • The name, however, still survives.
Kilton Park was, in 1553, merely a wood of about
a hundred acres " well sett with okes and yonge
ashes. " Dame Margaret Luttrell had at that time
the enjoyment of the park at East Quantockshead of
the same size, enclosed with a pale and containing
about a hundred deer. Marshwood Park, enclosed
partly by a ditch and hedge and partly by a pale,
comprised a hundred acres and maintained a hundred
deer. Thomas Wyndham already mentioned had a
lease of it for sixty years, at a nominal rent during
his own lifetime. The only park in Sir John Luttrell's
own hands was that below his castle, comprising
seventy-two acres, of which only twenty were in the
old manor of Dunster, Great Avelham and twelve acres
" on the sowest syde of the water " being reckoned as
part of the manor of Carhampton. Here there were
fifty deer and " dyvers great okes, elmes and ashes, "
which, if near together, would have occupied four
acres out of the twenty acres in the Hanger. ^
Among the muniments at Dunster Castle there is a
small memorandum on parchment with regard to
swan-upping, as follows : —
" S-- John Lutterell. §2! ^^^Z "^
" S"" Andrew Lutterell.
9
These were the markes which theise men above written had
upon the beeles of their swanes belonginge unto the Castell
' Leland's Itincraiy, (1907) p. 166. - D.C.M. ill. 2; xix. 25; XX. 4, 6.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. i6i
of Dunster by inheritance and alwayes kepte at the Mere by
Glastonberrye. Yt is good to renewe yt. S. L. " ^
Sir John Luttrell was not the sort of man who could
settle down quietly to the normal life of a country
squire. A camp was more to his liking, and, being
prevented by the peace from pursuing an active mil-
itary career, he determined to go abroad in search of
adventure. With this object, he combined with sev-
eral kindred spirits in organizing an expedition to
Morocco, professedly for the development of com-
merce. The leader of it was to be his half-uncle
Thomas Wyndham, a brave and experienced sailor,
but an incorrigible pirate. When, however, the ship
sailed from Portsmouth, Sir John Luttrell was not on
board. ^ The month of July 1 5 5 1 was miserable on
account of the sweating sickness.
" The sufferers were in general men between thirty and
forty, and the stoutest and healthiest most readily caught the
infection. The symptoms were a sudden perspiration, ac-
companied with faintness and drowsiness. Those who were
taken with full stomachs died immediately. Those who
caught cold shivered into dissolution in a few hours. Those
who yielded to the intense temptation of sleep, though but
for a quarter of an hour, woke only to die. " ^
One of the earliest and most distinguished victims
of this terrible pestilence was Sir John Luttrell, who
succumbed to it at Greenwich on the loth of July.
A Londoner who records his death describes him as
" a nobull captayne. " * He was about thirty-one
years of age. A few days only before the death of Sir
John Luttrell, certain commissioners had been empow-
ered by the King to pronounce a divorce between him
' D.C.M. XXXVII. 24. vol. V. p. 353.
* Hakluyt's Fojn^es, n. ii, 7-11; D/c^ * Machyn's Diary, p. 7; Camden
of National Biography, vol. Ixiii. p. 249. Miscellany, vol. x. part 2, p. 73.
^ Froude's History of England (1867).
i62 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
and his wife, upon proof of her adultery. ^ This lady
afterwards married James Godolphin of Gwinear, in
Cornwall. Inasmuch as she was a legatee under the
will of her mother-in-law, Dame Margaret Luttrell,
we may fairly presume that the charges against her
had not been established. ^ By an arrangement re-
pugnant to feudal ideas, the Castle of Dunster, which
was the head-place of the Honour of that name, formed
part of her dower or jointure. ^ She had some house-
hold goods there in 1553, which had belonged to her
father, Sir Griffith Ryce, but she afterwards went to
live at Kilton. * She continued to bear the surname
of her first husband until her death, and she was
buried among the Luttrells at East Quantockshead on
the last day of March 1588.
Sir John Luttrell left issue three daughters, Cather-
ine, Dorothy and Mary, who, being minors at the time
of his death, became wards of the Crown : — ^
Catherine was aged fourteen. Under the will of her
maternal grandmother. Dame Catherine Edgcumbe,
she received a chain of gold with a flower set with
two diamonds and a ruby. *" In July 1558, she
married Thomas Copley of Gatton, in Surrey.
There is a curious letter of that date from him to
the Master of the Revels asking for the loan of a
mask for the wedding which was to take place at
Nonsuch, and which he affected to deplore. ' A
tradition in his family, however, says that he had
been so attracted by the beauty of Catherine Luttrell
' Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, p. 149.
vol. ii, part ii, p. 204. * jnq. post mortem, C. II. 106. no.
■■* Brown's Somersetshire Wills, vol. 55; E. II. 943, no. 5; D.C.M. 11. 12, 14.
vi. p. 15. fi Somerset Medieval Wills, vol. iii. p.
^ Inq. postmortem. C. II. 159, no. 43; 149.
D.C.M. II. 14, 17. " Loseley Manuscripts (ed. Kempe),
* Somerset Medieval Wills, vol. iii. p. 59.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 163
that he refused the hand of a daughter of Lord
Howard of Effingham, who consequently became
his enemy. ^
Catherine Copley had a chequered career. Her hus-
band was rich and highly connected. He sat in
several Parliaments, and the Queen herself stood
godmother to their eldest son in 1561.^ Some two
years later, however, he became a Roman Catholic.
After being fined and imprisoned in 1568, he very
imprudently went abroad without licence, in the
early part of 1570. The government accordingly
seized his goods and confiscated most of his rents,
and, although his wife was allowed to return to
England for a while, he remained in exile until his
death at Antwerp in 1 584. Having been knighted
and created a baron by the French King, he chose
to style himself ' Sir Thomas Copley, knight, Lord
Copley of Gatton, ' and he also set up an untenable
claim to the English baronies of Welles and Hoo. ^
After the death of her husband,Lady Copley returned
to England and proved his will. As part of her
jointure, she had the right of nominating the two
members for the little constituency of Gatton. *
She is described as very "simple" and unfit to meddle
with politics, but, being a noted " bigot " she was
regarded with suspicion, and was committed to
prison once if not twice in her later years. ^ She
was living in 1603. ^
* Morris, Troubles of our Catholic N. s. vol. xv. p. 179.
Forefathers, vol. i. p. 51. ® Nearly all that is known about Sir
^ Nichols's Progresses of Queen Eliz- Thomas Copley, his wife, and his
abeth, vol. i. p. 128. family has been brought together in
^ Foley's Records of the English Mr. R. C. Christie's Introduction to the
Province of the Society of Jesus, vol. i. Letters of Sir Thomas Copley, printed
p, 186. for the Roxburghe Club in 1896. The
* Loseley Manuscripts, p. 242. editor there corrects several errors in
* S. P. Dom. Addenda, Elizabeth, the article which he had previously
vol. xxxi. no. 158; Strype's Annals, contributed to the Dictionary of Nation-
vol. iii ; Acts of the Privy Council, al Biography, vol. xni. p. i6g.
1 64 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. iv.
The arms of Luttrell occur several times in some fine
heraldic glass that was removed from one of the
seats of the Copley fiimily to the great hall at Sutton
Place near Guildford.
A more curious memorial of the Copleys is an oil
painting w^hich now hangs at Dunster Castle, hav-
ing been recently bought by Mr. G. F. Luttrell.
In this, Sir Thomas Copley is represented in a tab-
ard bearing the arms of Copley and Hoo quarterly,
kneeling at a faldstool, with his five sons behind
him. On the opposite side, Lady Copley is re-
presented in a mantle bearing the arms of Luttrell
and Ryce alternately, similarly kneeling and attended
by her four daughters.
The central part of the picture is intended to illustrate
the progress of the human soul from earth to hea-
ven. The flesh and the devil endeavour to hold it,
but death cuts their gilded cords with his scythe
and the soul ascends through thirteen concentric
circles representing the Ptolemaic system. In the
Empyrean Heaven above is the crucified Saviour
attended by Saints, and in the circumference are
Seraphim, Cherubim, Thrones, Dominions, Virtues,
Powers, Principalities, Archangels and Angels, ac-
cording to the Dionysian arrangement which was
followed by Dante and others. This ' device ' of
Sir Thomas Copley, having been approved by the
theologians of the University of Paris in 1580, was
engraved there in that year. ^ His eldest daughter
added a Latin inscription and three coats of arms
to the original painting, in 1625.^
' Harrison's Ainials of an old Manor- ^ This lady's name was Joan — not
House. Elizabeth. She married Peter de Mar-
' S.P. Foreign, France, vol. iv. no. tigni, lord of Eteves, captain of Philip-
178. The existence of the original peville.
device was not known to Mr. Christie.
CH. IV. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER.
i6s
Dorothy, second daughter and coheiress of Sir John
Luttrell, was twelve years of age at the time of his
death. She married Humphrey White, citizen and
merchant tailor of London. ^
Mary, third daughter and coheiress of Sir John Lut-
trell, was nine years of age at the time of his death.
She married Henry Shelley of Mapledurham, in
Hampshire, a cousin of Sir Thomas Copley, and also
a Popish Recusant. ^
The two younger daughters of Sir John Luttrell re-
ceived a great bowl apiece under the will of their
grandmother. Dame Catherine Edgcumbe, and a gold
ring with a death's head and an enamelled motto under
that of their brother-in-law, Sir Thomas Copley. '
They survived their respective husbands, and were
living as widows in 1595, long after selling their
rights in the Dunster estate to their uncle, Thomas
Luttrell, the male representative of the family. *
• D.C.M. (Prynne's list) xxxviii. 77,
80; Letters of Sir Thomas Copley, pp. 88,
183, 188.
^ Weaver's Visitations of Somerset,
p. 43; Inner Temple Records vol. i. p. Iv;
D.C.M. II. 18.
^ Somerset Medieval Wills, vol. Hi.
p. 149 ; Letters of Sir Thomas Copley,
p. 184.
* Chancery Proceedings, Eliz. LI.
4, no. 5.
CHAPTER V.
The Luttrells of Dunster
1551 — 1644.
Thomas Luttrell, second son of Sir Andrew Lut-
trell, served under his brother Sir John in Scotland,
and assisted him by collecting men and money for the
war. ^ In November i 548, it was falsely reported that
he had been killed in a fight at Dundee. ^ According
to the terms of the will of his brother, he should
have succeeded to all his landed property. ^ The laws
of the realm, however, required that a third of it should
be reserved for the daughters and coheirs of the
testator. * Furthermore, under various family settle-
ments, his mother, Dame Margaret Luttrell, had for
her life the manors of East Quantockshead, Iveton,
Vexford, Radlet, Carhampton and Rodhuish ; the
manor of Minehead was in the hands of trustees
charged to raise out of it the portions of the younger
children of Sir Andrew ; and Dame Mary Luttrell,
his sister-in-law, had for her life the castle and
borough of Dunster and the manor of Kilton. The
property that actually passed to Thomas Luttrell, in
I 551, was consequently very small. In the course
' state Papers, Scotland, Edw. VI. » S.P. Scotland, Edvv. VI. vol. iv.
vol. iv. no. 14 ; Acts of the Privy Conn- no. 114.
cil N.S. vol. ii. p. 245 ; Hist. MSS. ^ p.c.C. Bucke. f. 37.
Comm. Report on Rutland MSS. vol. iv. * St. 32 Hen. VIII. c. i ; 34 & 35
p. 204 ; D.C.M. III. 3 ; xxxvil. 29. Hen. VIII. c. 5.
CH. V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 167
of a few years, however, he managed to buy up some
of the rights of his sister-in-law, and the reversionary
rights of her three daughters and their respective
husbands. ^
In order to do this, he had to sell Stonehall and
Woodhall, in Suffolk, and various outlying estates in
the west of England. ^ On the other hand he con-
solidated his property by the purchase of Hopcot,
between Wootton Courtenay and Minehead. ^ He
also acquired for himself and his successors a consider-
able inheritance in the neighbourhood of Dunster, by
marrying his cousin Margaret, daughter and eventual
heiress of Christopher Hadley of Withycombe. One
of her direct ancestors had married the heiress of the
Durboroughs of Heathfield, and a previous Durborough
had married a coheiress of the Fitzurses of Williton
and Withycombe. She accordingly brought to her
husband the manors of Heathfield, Williton Hadley,
and Withycombe Hadley, and lands in various parishes
in West Somerset. *
The date and the exact circumstances of the mar-
riage are not recorded, but we may fairly suppose it
to have taken place in the reign of Edward the
Sixth, when ecclesiastical discipline was somewhat
lax. The validity of it was evidently challenged in
the stricter reign of Philip and Mary, for the parties
found it desirable to have recourse to Rome. A
solemn document issued by the Cardinal of St. Angelo,
Papal Penitentiary, at St. Peter's, on the 28th of
November 1558, recites that Thomas Luttrell esquire
* D.C.M. II. 16, 18; XIV. 1-5, II, 13, * D.C.M. XXXVI. 8. In a lease of
16 ; XXIV. 15 ; XXIX. 38 ; xxxviii. 'j'], 79, Hopcot granted by him, he reserved
80. Feet of Fines, Somerset, Hilary all hawks, pheasants and partridges,
and Easter 6 Eliz ; Trinity 7 Eliz. Inq. post mortem, Wards & Liveries,
Notes of Fines, Easter 10 Eliz ; Mich. 13 (113).
II Ehz. *■ Memoranda Roll, 4 Eliz. part 4,
2 D.C.M. xxxviii. 81, 84. m. 66.
1 68 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. v.
and Margaret Hadley had by their petition confessed
that they had, without proper dispensation, been
actually married, although related in the third and
third, and in the third and fourth degrees of kindred,
and although spiritually related, the mother of Thomas
having stood godmother to Margaret at her baptism
or confirmation. The language of the document
leaves it doubtful vsrhether the marriage had been
solemnized in public and whether any issue had been
actually born. Its effect, however, was to release the
parties from the excommunication that they had
incurred on condition of a fresh marriage " in the
face of the church," and to legitimate any previous
offspring. '
The relationship in blood between them can be best
explained by two tables on the opposite page. The first
shews kindred in the third and third degrees, and the
second shews kindred in the third and fourth degrees.
The dispensation, having been issued a few days
after the accession of Elizabeth, was probably one of
the very latest documents of the sort that was des-
patched before the final breach between England and
Rome, and the sequel is perhaps the most curious
part of the story. For nearly two years no further
action was taken in the matter, but on the 27th of
August 1560, Thomas Luttrell was solemnly married
in the church of East Quantockshead, his bride being
described in the register as " Mrs. Margaret Hadley. "
Their eldest son, George Luttrell, was born in the
following month. In the inscription on the monu-
ment which he set up in memory of his parents, some
sixty years later, it is expressly stated that they were
" lawfully married. "
' D.C.M. XXXVII. 26.
CH. V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 169
In 1559, the growing town of Minehead received
a royal charter of incorporation, the government
being vested in a portreeve and twelve burgesses. ^ In
1563, when it for the first time sent up members to
Robert Hill.
I I
Sir Hugh Luttrell = Margaret. Giles Hill.
J
Sir Andrew Luttrell. Christopher HadlevTrAnne.
I—' 1 ^
Thomas Luttrell. Margaret Hadley.
Sir James Luttrell == Elizabeth Courtenay=Sir Humphrey Audley.
I i
Sir Hugh Luttrell. Richard Hadley =Philippa
H
Sir Andrew Luttrell. James Hadley
H
Thomas Luttrell. Christopher Hadley.
I
Margaret Hadley.
Parliament, Thomas Luttrell, the lord of the manor,
was one of the two elected. ^ He and his tenants at
Minehead resolved to make a new quay or pier there,
' Patent Roll, i Eliz. This is clearly an error. (S. P. Dom.
* Return of Mcvibers of Parliament, Eliz. vol. Ixxvii. no. 44.) Fitz William
vol. i. p. 405. Thomas Fitzwilliam and and Fowler were the members for
John Fowler are stated to have sat for Weymouth. (Return of Members of
Minehead in the Parliament of 1559. Parliament, vol. i. p. 400.)
(Willis" Notitia Parliamentaria, p. 66.)
W
170 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. v.
and, in the last year of his life, he penned a circular
letter to his neighbours, friends and " well willers, "
inviting them to contribute to the work, which, he
considered, would be very useful to the country. ^ He
was appointed Sheriff of Somerset in the autumn of
1570.
Although Thomas Luttrell was constantly at Dun-
ster transacting business, he did not actually reside
there. He is described as " Thomas Luttrell of
Marshwood " in some legal proceedings with regard
to treasure trove in the Hundred of Carhampton.
The main facts of the case may be given briefly. A
certain Agnes Ellesworth, the wife of Richard Elles-
worth the elder " of Imbercombe, husbandman, " was
delivered of a still-born child, in the month of May
1559, at Owl Knowle in the parish of Carhampton,
a house which he presumably rented from Thomas
Trevelyan. In digging a grave hard by, wherein to
bury the body,she suddenly came upon a great quantity
of gold coins sufficient, it was estimated, to fill a " wyne
quart " less a quarter of a " wyne pynte. " After giving
a few to two female friends who were with her at the
time, she put the rest into a " trene dysshe " (wooden
dish) and so handed them over to her husband on his
return. They consisted of " old nobles, " " half old
nobles, " and " quarter old nobles, " and Richard
Ellesworth, reckoning the noble at i y. 4^. estimated
their value at 107/. ioj. When a report of their
discovery reached Thomas Luttrell, he laid claim to
them as treasure trove in his Hundred of Carhampton,
but satisfied himself with coins to the value of 1 00/.
The finder was not, however, suffered to keep the
remainder, and they were handed over, in May 1560,
• D.C.M. XXIX. 34.
CH. V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 171
to Sir Thomas Parry, Treasurer of the Queen's
Household. Then began tedious proceedings in the
Exchequer, the Attorney General putting forward the
right of the Crown and Thomas Luttrell defending
his own claim, to be supported by extracts from court
rolls and bailliffs' accounts. Eventually the case was
set down for trial before the justices of assize at Chard
in July 1564.^ Here the story ends abruptly. There
is no record of the judgment, which was to have been
entered at the Exchequer in Michaelmas term. Per-
haps the Crown withdrew its claim. Anyhow, the
Luttrells have maintained theirs ever since, and it is
interesting to note that there are now at Dunster
Castle a number of nobles, half-nobles and angels of
the reign of Edward the Fourth, which are presum-
ably the remains of the hoard found at Owl Knowle in
1559-
Thomas Luttrell died on the 1 6th of January 1571,
and was buried at Dunster on the 6th of February.
By Margaret his wife, mentioned above, he had issue
three sons and as many daughters ; —
George, his heir.
John, of South Mapperton in Dorset.
Andrew, baptized at Dunster on the 14th of October
1569. He died without issue.
Ursula.
Margaret.
Mary, baptized at Dunster on the iith of October
1567, and mentioned in the will of her grand-
mother, Dame Margaret Luttrell, in 1580.^ She
married, as his second wife. Sir Robert Strode of
Parnham in Dorset, son of her stepfather. ^
' Memoranda Roll, K. R. Trinity 3 vi. p. 15.
Eliz. 20, 56 ; D.C.M. xxxi. 18. ^ Hutchins's History of Dorset, vol. ii.
- Brown's Somersetshire Wills, vol. p. 130.
172 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. v.
Margaret Luttrell, the relict of Thomas, received
dower out of her husband's lands. ^ On the 28th of
January 1572, when her year of mourning was just
over, she was married at East Quantockshead to John
Strode of Parnham. He died some ten years later
and, in 1587, she married a third husband, Richard
Hill, who had been her ' servant, ' probably her
agent. ^ He was knighted after her death, which
occurred at Luxborough on the 30th of September
1607. ^
George Luttrell, the eldest son of Thomas and
Margaret, was born about the 1 2th of September
1560, and was consequently under eleven years of age
at the death of his father. * His wardship pertaining
to the Crown was soon sold to Hugh Stewkley of
Marshtown near Dunster, who put him to school
with a certain Mr. Brebrooke. While he was still
quite young, he was given the choice of his guardian's
two daughters, Joan and Susan, and he selected the
former, who was about two years younger than himself.
In October 1575, the young couple were solemnly
contracted at Marsh " by words of the present time, "
he taking her by the hand and saying : — " I, George,
take thee, Joan, to my wedded wife, and thereto I
give thee my faith and troth. " Hugh Stewkley was
careful that there should be witnesses of the ceremony
and that they should put their names to a written
memorial of it. ^
In July 1576, when George Luttrell was nearly
sixteen, he was admitted a Fellow Commoner at
Caius College, Cambridge, and was given a cubicle
• D.C.M. II. 22, 23. 3 D.C.M. XXXII. ^2.
» Ihid. XIV. 23 ; XXXII. 49, 54 ; Chan- " Inq. post mortem, C. Ii, 159, no. 43.
eery Proceedings, Eliz. LI. 11, no. 67. * D.C.M. xxxviii. 88.
CH. V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 173
in the Master's Lodging. ^ From Cambridge he
wrote in the following year that he fully intended to
marry his cousin, Joan Stewkley, hoping thereby to
put an end to the " brablings " between her father
and his grandmother, Dame Margaret Luttrell. The
project was, however, strongly opposed both by her
and by his step-father John Strode. The old lady
declared that he would be " utterly cast away " if he
were to marry the daughter of the miserly lawyer
who had so often thwarted the Luttrells, and she
threatened that if her wishes were disregarded, she
would leave away the Priory of Dunster from her
grandson, and so make him " a poor gentleman. "
A match in Wales was suggested as an alternative, and
Sir James Fitzjames, who wished to secure the
young heir for his own niece, did not scruple to say
that Joan Stewkley was " a slutte and that she had no
good qualities. " ^
By a will dated the 9th of March 1580, Dame Mar-
garet Luttrell bequeathed to her grandson, George
Luttrell, the hanging of arras that had been made for
the parlour at Dunster, two bowls of silver gilt, a
drinking cup of silver gilt that had belonged to his
father, two spoons and a salt, and, furthermore, the
Priory of Dunster with all the lands and profits belong-
ing thereto. ^ She died on the 7th of July in that
year and was buried beside her husband at East
Quantockshead. All effective opposition being thus
at an end, George Luttrell was duly married to Joan
Stewkley at Dunster on the 25th of September 1580,
he being then just over twenty years of age. He was ad-
mitted a member of Gray's Inn in the following month.
^ Venn's History of Gonvillc and ^ Brown's Somersetshire Wills, vol.
Cains College, vol. i, p. 87. vi. p. 15.
2 D.C.M. XXXVIII. 88.
174 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. v.
In 1584, we find George Luttrell undertaking to
let his mother, Margaret Strode, have " one fee bucke
of season in the summer, and one fee doe in the
winter" from his park at Dunster or from that at East
Quantockshead at her choice. ^ Kilton fell to him
on the death of Dame Mary Luttrell in 1588, and
on the death of his mother, in 1607, he succeeded to
the lands which she held in dower and to the Hadley
inheritance.
George Luttrell was returned to Parliament as one
of the members for Minehead in i 584, but he did not
cultivate the friendly relations with the borough that
had usually subsisted in his father's time. It was
doubtless at his instance that a royal commission was
appointed, in 1 601, to enquire whether the Portreeve
and burgesses had maintained the port as required.
The report being unfavourable, their charter was
abrogated in the early part of the reign of James the
First and the corporation ceased to exist. ^ Not satis-
fied with this, George Luttrell wished Minehead to
be disfranchised. There is a draft petition from him
to the House of Commons stating that the town " did
never choose anie burgesses for the Parlyment, as
appeareth by record, untill the fifte yeare of the raigne
of the late memorable Queene Elizabeth " and con-
tending that it would be " a great indignitie " to that
"honorable assemblie " that burgesses should be chosen
" without legal power and authoritie. " He could
hardly have foreseen that his descendants would derive
influence and profit from their connexion with the
borough of Minehead.
In 1583 and in 1586, he was required to provide
a demilance and two light horsemen for the service of
' D.C.M. XIV. 24. Somerset, 1994 ; Memoranda Roll,
* Exchequer Special Commissions, K.R. Trin. i Jac. I. m. 25.
CH. V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 175
the State. ^ How he avoided the burden of knight-
hood does not appear. He was appointed Sheriff of
Somerset in 1593 and again in 1609. ^ According to
tradition, he was " much noted for his hospitahty and
the general love and respect of his neighbours. " ^
Contemporary documents, however, show him to have
been exceedingly litigious. At some period of his life,
he must have spent long days searching the records
in London for evidence in support of his feudal rights
over the manors and lands pertaining to the Honour
of Dunster. His early legal training had made him
very observant of minute points, and he left behind
him a quantity of ill-written notes about rents, bound-
aries, and the like. It would be tedious to enumerate
the different suits in which he was engaged against
his father-in-law, his aunt, his tenants, his neighbours,
and his tradesmen. Two poachers who confessed
that they had hunted, killed and taken some deer in
his park at Dunster received a very severe sentence in
the notorious Court of Star Chamber in 1597, being
committed to the Fleet Prison for three months,
required to find security for good behaviour for seven
years, and ordered to pay no less than 100/. apiece
as a fine to the Crown. *
George Luttrell deserves to be remembered as a
builder. At Dunster, he converted part of the lower
ward of the Castle into a Jacobean mansion, he altered
the house now known as the Luttrell Arms Hotels
and he built the picturesque market-house. At East
Quantockshead, he greatly enlarged the manor house,
altering it so materially that the old plan cannot easily
be traced. At Marshwood, he appears to have renov-
1 Green's Somerset & the Armada, * Palmer MS. at St. Audries.
pp. 34, 70. * D.C.M. XIV. 39.
' List of Sheriffs, p. 124, 125.
176 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. v.
ated the house for his married son. At Minehead,
in 1 6 1 6, he built a pier afterwards known as ' the Old
Quay, ' at a cost of about 5000/, the townsmen having
forfeited their charter of incorporation, as mentioned
above. '
There is at Dunster Castle a portrait of George
Luttrell painted on panel in 1 594, in the thirty-fourth
year of his age. He is represented in black brocade
with a metal belt round the waist, a large ruff and
white cuffs. The face is not unlike that of his uncle.
Sir John Luttrell, as depicted by Lucas d'Heere. ^
George Luttrell died on the ist of April 1629,
and was buried at Dunster on the 23rd. Joan his
wife, already mentioned, had predeceased him and
had been buried, on the 22nd of November 1621,
in the Priory Church of Dunster, near her parents the
Stewkleys, in accordance with a will made by consent
of her husband. ^ They had issue five sons and seven
daughters : —
Thomas, heir to his father.
Hugh, of Rodhuish.
George, baptized at Dunster on the 12th of October
1590. He matriculated at Lincoln College, Ox-
ford, in 1608, and afterwards became a student of
Gray's Inn. He was buried at Dunster, on the
30th of December 1619.
John, baptized at Dunster on the 5th of January i 592.
He matriculated at Lincoln College, Oxford, in
1608. He was living in 1620.
Andrew, baptized at Dunster on the 6th of June 1596
and buried there four days later.
' Hancock's Minehead, pp. 284, 286. picture.
' It may be noticed that the tinctures » Brown's Somersetshire Wills, vol.
of the Luttrell arms are given wrongly vi. p. i6.
in the shield in the corner of the
GEORGl': LL'TTRELL.
1594.
CH. V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 177
Margaret, baptized at East Quantockshead on the
1 1 th of October 1584. She married at Dunster,
on the 3rd of August 1607, John Trevelyan of
Nettlecombe. ^
Catherine, baptized at Dunster on the i8th of April
1589. She married there, on the 4th of August
1 607, the morrow of her sister's wedding, Lewis
Pyne of East Down, in Devonshire.
EHzabeth, baptized at Dunster on the 23rd of March
1593, and buried there on the 21st of May 1595.
Susan, baptized at Dunster on the 9th of October
1594. She married there, on the 29th of June
1 61 2, John Francis of Combe Florey. ^
Elizabeth, baptized at Dunster on the 3rd of October
1598. In March i62i[-2], George Luttrell, her
father, made a formal declaration that he was willing
that she should have the sum of i ,400/. bequeathed
to her by her mother Joan, provided that she did
not marry a Popish Recusant or the son of a Popish
Recusant, or any other without his own consent,
or, after his death, the consent of Thomas Wyndham
of Kentsford, John Francis and Richard Worth, or
two of them. In the event of her disregarding this
injunction, the money was to be divided between
her nieces named Trevelyan and her brother-in-law
John Francis. ^ She nevertheless married, in that
year, Thomas Arundel of Chideock in Dorset, a
member of a noted Roman Catholic family.
Sarah, baptized at Dunster on the 3rd of April 1600.
She inherited 200/. from her mother, and in her
case George Luttrell did not think it necessary to
make any stipulation about the choice of a hus-
band. * She married at Dunster, on the 9th of
' D.C.M. XXXVIII. 93 (Prynne). ' D.C.M. xxxviii. 97.
» Ibid, xxxviii. 95. * D.C.M. xxxviii. 97, 98.
178 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. v.
February 1625, Edmund Bowyer of Beer near Can-
nington. ^ She was buried at Stockland, on the
17th of May 1664.
Mary, buried at Dunster on the 24th of March 1608.
About ten months after the death of his wife,
George Luttrell of Dunster Castle was married at East
Quantockshead, on the 3rd of October 1622, to "an
obscure person, " Silvestra daughter of James Capps
of Jews in the parish of Wiveliscombe. She was
the mother of Sarah Luttrell alias Capps, and Diana
Luttrell alias Capps, for both of whom he made ample
provision in his lifetime and to each of whom he
bequeathed 500/. at the age of twenty-one or on mar-
riage.^ The former married Alexander Keynes. The
latter married John Wogan, of Pembrokeshire, at East
Quantockshead, in 1634, and married secondly Alexan-
der Lynde. ^ Silvestra Luttrell had for her jointure the
manors of Kilton and East Quantockshead.* A leaden
pipe-head at the latter place bears her initials with those
of her husband, and the date 1 628. ^ The whole house
had apparently been altered for her benefit. The arms
of Luttrell impaling those of Capps are also to be seen
at the LiUttrell Arms Hotel at Dunster. Some nine
months after the death of her husband, on the 15th
of January, 1630, Silvestra Luttrell was married at
East Quantockshead to Sir Edmund Skory. The
union did not prove happy, as appears by his will
dated the 4th of May 1632. By this he bequeaths
20J. " to Giles Baker, my servant, who hath lived
under the tyranny of my wife, to the danger of his
' Brown's Somersetshire Wills, vol. Hancock's Minchead,p. 213, whereihe
iv. p. 82. name is wrongly given as Lyne and
" Ibid. vol. vi. p. 17 ; D.C.M. xxxvili. Lyde.
100. * D.C.M. III. 5 ; xxiii. 45.
* D.C.M. III. 12 ; XXXVIII. 103, 104 ; ^ See the woodcut on page 185.
CH. V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 179
life, during the space of two years. " He also be-
queaths " to Dame Silvestre Skory, my wife, whom I
hartely forgive all her wicked attempts against mee,
a praier booke called 'The Practice of Piety, desiring
that she better love and affect the same than hitherto
she hath done. " The widow tried in vain to prove
that the testator was of unsound mind. ^ Nevertheless
she secured a third husband in the person of Giles
Penny, whom she married at East Quantockshead in
1634. Her stepson, Thomas Luttrell, bore her no
love, and brought a suit against her for damage to his
deer and timber at East Quantockshead. ^ She was
in possession of the manor-house there as late as the
year 1655, having survived the son and the grandson
of her first husband. ^
Thomas Luttrell, son and heir of George, was
baptized at Dunster, on the 26th of February 1584. He
matriculated at Lincoln College, Oxford, in i 597 and
became B.A. in 1599. He was admitted a student
of Lincoln's Inn in 1604. He did not marry until
1 62 1, when he took to wife Jane, daughter of Sir
Francis Popham, of Littlecote, in Wiltshire, an active
politician. * The arms of Luttrell, impaled with
those of Popham may be seen at Marshwood, and it
is probable that Thomas Luttrell lived there until the
death of his father in 1629. He was returned
Member for Minehead in 1625, but at subsequent
elections his influence there seems to have been exert-
ed in favour of different members of his wife's family,
who espoused the Parliamentary side in the reign of
Charles the First. ^ He was Sheriff of Somerset in
' Brown's Somersetshire Wills, vol. v. ^ P.C.C. Aylett, f. 185.
p. 66. ^ D.C.M. III. 4, 6.
^ Chancery Proceedings, Series II. * Dictionary of National Biography,
bundle 408, no. 43. vol. xlvi. p. 143.
i8o A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. v.
1631. ^ In 1633, we find him associated with other
justices of the peace for the county in a protest against
the revival of church-ales, clerk-ales and revels. ^
Some nine years later, he further displayed his
poUtical sympathies by committing to prison at Mine-
head a notable fugitive, Roger Manwaring, Bishop of
St. David's, who had given offence by his advocacy
of absolutist views. ^
At the very outset of the Civil War in August
1642, the Marquess of Hertford went to Somerset to
organize the militia for the King, but the county rose
against him and drove him from Wells to Sherborne.
This place in turn he found to be untenable, and while
negotiating, or pretending to negotiate, for a surrend-
er, he broke out with about four hundred followers,
on the 19th of September, and directed his course to
Minehead.* The Earl of Bedford, commanding for
the Parliament, at once issued warrants for the appre-
hension of any of the party, and sent off posts to
Thomas Luttrell, bidding him strengthen and make
good his castle at Dunster.'^ This order was promptly
obeyed, and Thomas Luttrell increased his garrison by
a hundred men. Anticipating moreover that the
Royalists would endeavour to cross over to Wales, he
caused the rudders of all the ships in Minehead har-
bour to be removed. *^
On arriving at Minehead, Lord Hertford fortified
himself in a " strong inn, " and then despatched sixty
of Sir Ralph Hopton's men to demand entrance into
Dunster Castle. They met, however, with a peremp-
tory refusal, and as, after some parley, they would not
' List of Sheriffs, p. 125. xxxvi. p. 104.
* S. P. Dom. Charles I. vol. 255, * England's Memorable Accidents.
no. 3Q. s Special Passages.
^ Hist. MSS. Comm. Report V. p. 35; « England's Memorable Accidents.
Dictionary of National Biography, vol.
CH. V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. i8i
go away, Mrs. Luttrell commanded the men within
the Castle to " give fire. " It was in vain that the
Royalist officer ordered them to disregard her, and
when Mrs. Luttrell again commanded them " upon
their lives to do it, " they opened fire, and the cava-
liers beat a hasty retreat. ^
Eventually, the King's infantry and artillery escaped
in some coalships to Wales, while the cavalry went
further westward. The Parliamentary party were,
however, apprehensive that the Royalists would return
suddenly, and by surprise get possession of Dunster
Castle, from which it was thought that ten thousand
men could hardly dislodge them. Proposals were
accordingly made for raising horse and foot to guard
it, but the " very thoughts " of such a measure caused
the peaceable men of Minehead to give a very cold
reception to Lord Bedford when he arrived in pursuit.
He himself took up his quarters at Dunster Castle for
a short time. ^
Lord Hertford was much vexed at his " disastrous
fortune at Minieard and Dunster " and wrote a sting-
ing letter to Sir Ralph Hopton, attributing it to the
" evill dispositions and cowardly behaviour " of the
west-countrymen serving under him, under Captain
Digby and under Sir John Stawell, who ran away,
endangering the persons of their officers and all the
ordnance. Sir Ralph in reply vindicated the courage
of his men, declaring that they would not " runne or
give one foot of ground " to any foreign invader, but
that it was " not warrantable by God's lawes " for
men to fight against their own kindred.' As the Civil
War progressed, he must have found it necessary to
modify his humane and peaceable sentiments.
» special Passages. 304. 3o8 ; Special Passages.
' Hist. MSS. Comm. Report iv. pp. * New plots discovered.
iSz A HISTORY Ok DLNSTi^R. catv.
Earlf in Janoaij 1643;, die Wekhmcn gzvc luiylA
oo the coast Ob SoomsetL SWiic. <k tfirin ItMMkjMlcd
Minciicad Imbom; and, b^ jpuLUJHtu^ tlie cnby of
any Aqpscir boats, atopfrf the SByp^rfpwmacMg and
coaL Otfaors, abont five hambi il in nnmbcr, a- itr
Captain P^nkt, landed dicic; *■ invaded "* tlic CE -
and ** < ■■Muined tlie inUntants to yedd tc
taxation and to snbant tnenBeivcs ULivjuts and :
to cvoy poor, baae Gon^nmon, to save tlicir it.'
firoaa bei]^ cnt. ^ Thas party nnde an allaik _ :
DnnsiEr ^^^'^'fc^'*^''^^'"™"^^'''^^^'^ *^^
able to lepafac tncm and sccmc tne feonnt
The figpiting cannot bave bceniivrr se '
fin- wbcn a shot fiom the Casde kiZzc
aaoifanis^ Captam Pnlet was mc t :
vuwLd that be wunid ii|wanrii' the z.
his fimfas on the battlonenls as £: :
point of £a£t he moved on to Ri
hnndiid nHwtirlieeis and fivtr Ik^t: :
In May 1643, we find The-- L
pns fin- his niece Mirrrrrrt T
feDWaks,aid ~r i
hnvlMnilj George T:: tam.
fir his ddinc- fz ~
nBooedMnoe u ^ ' ; ' ~ : ;
--.':- ne
^-%
tc
to honnr
F
to icpuit tha:
to deliver u:
thesBOgt :
(S5L£)i ?. 4d-.
CH.V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTEK. 183
Clarendon relates that, in the middle of Jane 1643,
the Marquess of Hertford obtained possessioo of
Taunton and Brideewater in three davs, and pro-
ceeds : —
J^jric+2T- CsStIc S-?
. W.S- = KJ.
:— t- :.:\i ~:-:z- :: : ! > l_::T:e . was, with as li'zLt
r : 1 f r : r : t : r - t r : e i - - : the King ; inio
vr - : : T ..":_: 7 , : . "_z: i:ii_: ic^o i .: as Governor, as
Thomas Luttrell was moreover compelled to pav a
large sum, either as i r.ne :r i r>roof of derodoo
to the Rovalist cause. There ls at Dunster a signi-
ficant httle receipt as follows : —
" xxiij'* die Junii 1643. Receavcd the day and jeare
above written to his Magesdes use fay me Edward Kjrton,
Esq. Treasorar for the annj under the comaund of the r^;fat
honorable the Marquesse of Hertfiird, Liftenant General! c^
his Msgesties forces in the wes^c^Thnnas Luttrdl ofDunstar
Castle in the countr of Scxnerset, Esq. die simimr of five
hundred powndes, in part of payment of the summe or one
thousand powndes which the said Mr. Luttrdl is to pay
towardes the charge of the said army. I say recezved, Edw.
Kyrtcxi.
Whether Thomas Luttrell was after this ^j- -": "
remain in his own castle does not appear. ~- : . .:.
few months later, and was buried at Dunster on the
7th of February 1 644- There is at Dunster Castle a
portrait on panel dating firom the later part of the reign
of James the First, which probabhr represents this
Thonias Luttrell. The subject of it has k>ng hair and
a short beard. He is attired in a h'ght green doublet
and trunk hose, with a falling collar edged with lace,
» Hisimy ^flte ftfcrftiiB. fed, rtift ^oL ir. p>. iml
1 84 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. v.
and white cuffs. There is a black hat under the right
arm and a sword under the other. Thomas and Jane
Luttrell had issue four sons and a daughter : —
Alexander, born in 1622 and so called after his uncle
Alexander Popham. He matriculated at Lincoln
College, Oxford, in 1637, and, while still under
age, was elected to represent Minehead in the
Parliament of 1640, but he died before his father,
some two or three years later.
George, heir to his father.
Thomas, baptized at Dunster on the 8th of March
1627, and buried there on the 2nd of April.
Francis, baptized at Dunster on the ist of November
1 628, and so called after his grandfather. Sir Francis
Popham. He eventually succeeded his brother
George.
Amy, baptized at Dunster, on the 26th of June 1630.
She married firstly Thomas Hele of South Petherton,
and secondly George Reynell of Kingsbridge, in
Devonshire. ^
Within a few days of the death of Thomas Luttrell,
his relict was compelled to pay a large sum to the
Crown, as appears by the following receipt : —
" 13th February 1643. Then received of Mrs. Jane
Luttrell the summe of fiveteene hundred pounds, as see
much due to his Majestie for the fjne of her selfe and her
two sonnes ; I say received for his Majestie's service the
day and yeere above written the summe of 1500, by me
Francis Hawley. "
The person who gave it was merely an officer in the
Royalist Army, but the payment might possibly be
regarded as the purchase money for the wardship of
• Somerset & Dorset Notes & Queries, vol. ii. p. 230.
CH. V. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER.
.8s
the heir of the Dunster estate, who was a minor at the
time of his father's death. A few weeks later, there
is another acquittance : —
"25*° die Marcii 1644, anno regni Regis Caroli 19°.
Receaved then of Mistriss Jane Luttrell the summe of three
score pownds in parte of payment of one hundred pownds
which she was to pay by way of loane upon His Majestie's
lettre in the nature of a privie seale for His Majestie's
service. I say receaved. Per me William Prowse, deput'
vicecomitis. "
Jane Luttrell must have been loth indeed to furnish
money for the party which she and her relations had
so steadily opposed. In later and happier times, she
lived at Marshwood, where she hoarded her savings,
as will appear hereafter. She was buried at Dunster
in November 1668.
PIPE-HEAD AT
EAST QUANTOCKSHEAD.
CHAPTER VI.
The Luttrells of Dunster
1644— 1737.
George Luttrell, son and successor of Thomas, was
baptized at Dunster on the 12th of September 1625.
Nothing is known about him in his early years, but
it may safely be assumed that his mother would not
have allowed him to go to Oxford to mix with young
Cavaliers. At the time of his father's death, Dunster
Castle was occupied by a royalist garrison, and the
manor-house at East Quantockshead was in the pos-
session of Lady Skory, no friend to the Luttrells. A
smaller house at Marshwood was, however, available
for the widow and her children.
In the middle of May 1645, Charles the First gave
orders that the Prince of Wales should take up his
residence for a while at Dunster Castle, to "encourage
the new levies," it being "not known at Court that
the plague, which had driven him from Bristol, was
as hot in Dunster town, just under the walls of the
Castle. " ^ Clarendon's statement to this effect is
strikingly confirmed by the parish register which
records the burial of no less than eighty persons at
Dunster in that very month. Two of them are
described as * soldiers, ' from which it may be inferred
that the Castle itself, isolated from the town beneath
' Clarendon's History of (he Rebellion, (ed. 1826) vol. v. p. 189.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 187
it, was not free from the prevailing sickness. At
Minehead the death rate in 1645 was about five times
that of a normal year. ^ The inhabitants of a long
street in Dunster are said to have established com-
munications between their respective houses by making
openings in the party walls, " so as to avoid all
necessity of going into the open street, " whose air
was considered dangerous to life. ^ The Prince, who
was then just fifteen years of age, occupied a small
room within the room at the south-western end of
the Gallery in Dunster Castle. ^ After about a fort-
night, he procceeded to Barnstaple. The church-
wardens' accounts of Minehead for this year contain
the following entries : —
" Given the ringers in beere at severall tymes when the
Prince and other great men came into the towne, 14J.
" Paid the Prince's footman, which he claymed as due to
him for his fee, ^s. dd. "
At that juncture it might have been imprudent to
Ignore the Prince's visit. Less than four months after-
wards there is an entry in the same book which
reflects more faithfully the state of public opinion at
Minehead : —
" Paid the ringers when BristoU was taken, 35. "
After the reverses of the Royalist party atLangport,
Taunton, and Bridgewater, in the summer of 1645,
Dunster Castle remained the only place held for the
King in Somerset, but, being isolated, it was harmless
except as a source of annoyance to the immediate
neighbourhood. As it was desirable to stop even this
* Savage's Hundred of Carhampton, so serious as to call for charitable aid
p. 590. from other places in the country. Pro-
^ Archaeological Journal, vol. xv. p. ceedings of the Somerset Archceological
388. There had been a previous out- Society, vol. xxxviii. p. 73.
break of the plague at Dunster in 1611, ' See Chapter XI.
1 88 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
power, Colonel Blake and Colonel Sydenham, taking
a small party from Taunton, laid siege to it early in
November, and by the 6th had so completely blocked it
that its surrender seemed certain, if it were not taken
by surprise. Neither of these expectations was
realised, for the besieged held out, although by the
end of the month they were said to be straitened for
provisions and suffering sadly from want of water. It
was reported that Colonel Francis Wyndham, the
Governor, about the 20th of November, wrote to
Lord Goring, then commanding the King's forces in
Devon, that he could hold out but a fortnight or three
weeks longer, and that he was only enabled to do that
through having secured a good supply of water from
some late heavy rains. ^ He at least wrote for aid, as
in response, Goring sent some foot to Bideford, to be
forwarded to Dunster by sea, and a party of horse
was got in readiness to march by land to protect them
on arrival. ^ But, not getting their promised pay at
Bideford, and finding they were to be out for more
than the twenty days agreed for with Lord Hopton,
they deserted and ran away. Sir Richard Grenville
went after them at once to bring them back, but the
plan for this time resulted in failure. ^ The design
becoming known. Sir Thomas Fairfax stationed some
men to command the road and prevent or check the
repetition of any similar attempt. Thus when another
party endeavoured to pass early in December, the
troops who were guarding the roads about Tiverton
and Crediton, encountered them and compelled them
to return. ^
Meanwhile Colonel Blake had repeatedly summoned
the Governor to surrender, but always receiving a
1 Perfect Passages, No. 56. ^ Moderate Intelligencer, No. 38.
* Perfect Diurnal, No. 125. * Weekly Account.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 189
curt refusal, he had pushed forward his approaches
and batteries and worked busily at his mines, as these
were " next to determine the business. " ^ A sum-
mons was again sent in, this time accompanied by a
threat that the Castle would be stormed if it were not
surrendered. Colonel Wyndham replied that as he had
formerly announced his intention to keep his charge
to his utmost, so he was still and would continue
semper idem — always the same.
At the very end of December 1645, or about the
I St of January 1646, a story was circulated by the
royalist party at Oxford, on the reported authority of
two men supposed to have come from Dunster, that
the Castle was relieved and the siege raised. The
story was that the besiegers, having taken prisoner
the Governor's mother, sent in their last summons
thus — " If you will yet deliver up the Castle, you
shall have faire quarter, if not, expect no mercy ; your
mother shall be in the front, to receive the first fury
of your canon : we expect your answer. " The
Governor is supposed to reply, " If you doe what you
threaten, you do the most barbarous and villanous
act [that] was ever done ; my mother I honour : but
the cause I fight for and the maisters I serve, God
and the King, I honour more. Mother, do you for-
give me and give me your blessing, and let the
Rebells answer for spilling that blood of yours, which
I would save with the losse of mine owne, if I had
enough for both my master and yourselfe. " To this
the mother is supposed to answer, " Sonne, I forgive
thee, and pray God to blesse thee for this brave reso-
lution ; if I live I shall love thee the better for it ;
God's will be done. " The story then adds that just
• Perfect Occurrences.
I90 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
at this moment there suddenly appeared Lord Went-
worth, Sir Richard Grenville, and Colonel Webb,
who, attacking the besiegers, killed many, took a
thousand prisoners, rescued the mother, and relieved
the Castle. ^
This report is here quoted from its original source;
it has been often repeated since, but it was not true.
The siege was not raised, the Castle was not relieved
at this time, and the supposed chief actors in the
affair were then in Cornwall or on the adjoining
borders of Devon. ^ The Parliamentary party soon
denounced the report as " alehouse intelligence " and
a " feeble lie. " '
About the 6th of January 1646, Blake received a
reinforcement of fifteen hundred horse, and these he
quartered some five or six miles from the Castle, to
keep a sharp watch on the Exeter road. * As relief
was constantly attempted, these troopers had a very
harassing task. The continuance of the siege and the
frequent marches and countermarches at this time
drew general attention towards Dunster.
As the Governor seemed determined not to sur-
render, Fairfax wrote to order Colonel Blake to
proceed with the siege and spring his mines. ^ This
he did on the 3rd of January, fully expecting to blow
up the Castle. But the garrison, aware of what had
been going on, had discovered one mine, and had
spoilt it by countermining. Another was not fired
or did not spring, whilst the third, although it ex-
ploded fairly, only destroyed a part of the wall,
causing a considerable breach, but making more noise
than execution. ^ The road opened by it was alto-
' Mercurius Academicns, No. 3. ■• Moderate Intelligencer, No. 44.
* Mercurius Civicns, No. 136. ^ Perfect Passages, No. 63.
* Mercurius Britannicns, No. 114. "^ Moderate Intelligencer, No. 44.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 191
gether too steep for approach, and proved so inacces-
sible that the intended attack could not be made.
To the defenders, however, nov^ very short of neces-
saries, the breach proved a great annoyance, as they
were put to double duty to keep their guards. In
this emergency. Sir Richard Grenville wrote to
Colonel Wyndham exhorting him to hold out yet a
little longer and promising that help should certainly
be sent. ^ Two regiments accordingly set out on the
8 th of January, ostensibly to relieve Exeter, but really
destined for Dunster. Their plan was either betrayed
or discovered by their opponents, for some horse and
foot were called from their winter quarters to watch
them, and if necessary to go and strengthen Colonel
Blake. Seeing that their enemy was thus prepared,
and that relief was impossible, the Royalists once more
retired, and the blockade of Dunster was continued
without interruption until the end of January.
The King's army being cooped up in Devon, the
Parliamentary forces gathering in Somerset concluded
that it was certainly trapped. A report, however,
now came that Goring intended to break through
the ring and get his whole force away. Orders were
at once sent for the reserves in the rear to be ready
to meet such a movement, and Major-General Massey
busied himself with making preparations near Crew-
kerne. ' Taking advantage of the attention of the
Parliamentary force in Devon being given to this
matter, a party of fifteen hundred horse and three
hundred foot, sent by Lord Hopton under the com-
mand of Colonel Finch, managed to reach Dunster,
and on the 5 th of February relieved the Castle with
four barrels of powder, thirty cows and fifty sheep.
• Weekly Account, No. 2. * Perfect Passages, No. 65.
192 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
Having done this, they spoilt the mines and destroyed
the works thrown up by the besiegers. Finding the
reUeving party too strong for him, Colonel Blake on
their arrival retired for protection into " a strong
house ", possibly the Ship Inn, and remained there
unmolested. As they left for Barnstaple, however, he
sallied out on their rear and took fifty-three prisoners,
but in turn got himself into an awkward position,
from which he had some difficulty in making an
honourable retreat without great loss. ^
A report was now circulated that the owner of the
Castle, and others had offered to raise a thousand men
to help the Parliamentary army in the west, ^ but
Blake determined to continue the blockade until he
could be strongly reinforced from the main army.
From his local information he may have judged that
this would soon be possible, as not long afterwards
Exeter fell. Sir Thomas Fairfax then, with his usual
energy, quickly moved off for fresh work, and on the
8 th of April his army was camped around Chard,
from whence he sent Colonel Lambert's regiment to
strengthen the force before Dunster. ^
Colonel Blake had gone to meet the General, when,
on Thursday night, the 1 6th of April, those in the
Castle called to Captain Burridge, who was left in
command, to know whether it were true, as some of
his soldiers had stated, that Exeter and Barnstaple
had both fallen. Captain Burridge " hearkening " to
what was said, they asked to be allowed to send to
Barnstaple for confirmation of the news, promising
that if it were true they would capitulate. The
Captain answered " that he would not by any false way
' Perject Passages, No. 68 ; A Diary, ^ Moderate Intelligencer, No. 50.
No. 3 ; Moderate, Intelligencer, No. 49 ; ^ /^^^ ]vjq_ ^g
The Citties Weekly Post, No. 9.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 193
of smooth language goe about to begge their castle, "
and offered himself as a hostage if they would give
one of like rank whilst they sent for intelligence. He
declared himself willing to forfeit his life if what he
had said was not true, provided they would agree to
surrender on a day named if all the news were con-
firmed. Weak and reduced as the garrison now was,
and barely able to defend more than the keep, this
conversation " wrought so much upon them " that on
Friday morning a request was again made for leave to
send for intelligence. Notice having meantime arrived
that Blake was returning, Captain Burridge desired
them to have a little patience, inasmuch as they should
get an answer from the Colonel himself. About noon
Blake arrived, having with him Major-General Skip-
pon's regiment and the remainder of his own. This
force he drew up in two bodies on a hill facing the
Castle, and, in accordance with orders given by Fairfax,
he sent in another summons for surrender. ^ Deprived
of all hope of relief, Colonel Wyndham in reply
demanded a parley, the result of which was that, after
having sustained a close siege of about a hundred and
sixty days, with a loss of twenty men, he surrendered
on the 19th of April, on the following conditions: —
" I. That the Castle, together with the armes, ammuni-
tion, and other ferniture of war (except what is hereunder
excepted), be delivered up into the hands of the said Colonel
Blake for his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, to the use of
the King and Parliament.
2. That all Commissioners Officers in the Castle shall
march away with horses and armes and all other necessary
accouterments appertaining.
3. That common officers and souldiers, both horse and
foot, shall march away with their armes and either horse or
foot souldier shall have three charges of powder and bullet,
' Sir Thomas Fairfax's further proceedings in the west.
194 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
with three yards of match, for those that have matchlocks,
together with colours and drums.
4. That the said Colonell Windham shall carry with him
all that is properly his, and that which doth properly belong
to the Lady Windham shall be sent to her.
5. That all officers and souldiers with all particular persons
of the Castle shall march forth secure, as many as will, to
Oxford without delay, and those who are otherwise minded
shall lay down their armes and have Let-passes to their
homes, or to any other places they shall desire with protection
against the violence of the soldiers.
6. That prisoners to either party be released.
7. That the said Colonell Francis Windham and his
souldiers march to Oxford in twelve daies. " ^
Under this agreement the Castle was delivered up
on the 22nd of April. Six pieces of ordnance and
two hundred stand of arms were all the booty found
within it. Colonel Blake, writing from Taunton, on
the 2ist of April, to report the event to the Parlia-
ment, remarked that, at the price of time and blood,
he could no doubt have obtained very different terms,
but that he was induced to accept these, by his wish
to follow the exemplary clemency of his general.
" The place, " he said, was " strong and of importance
for the passage into Ireland. " ^ A public thanks-
giving was now ordered for the many and continued
successes of the Parliamentary forces, Dunster being
named in the list of places whose capture deserved
especial emphasis. ' Minehead, too, rejoiced that her
disagreeable neighbour had fallen, and " paid the
ringers when Dunster Castle was yeelded up " four
shillings and eight pence. *
A few of Blake's cannon balls have been unearthed
on the Tor in recent years. His principal battery was,
' Merctirius Civicus, No. 152 ; Four ^ Perfect Diurnal, No. 144.
Strong Castles taken, &c. ♦ Hancock's Minehead, p. 70.
* Mercuriiis Civicus, No. 152.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 195
it is believed, behind the house now called the Luttrell
Arms Hotel. Another may have been on the north
side of the town, as a ball, presumably fired by the
defenders of the Castle, was found in the roof of the
church some thirty years ago.
John Question of Dunster, surgeon, was in 1647
subjected to a fine of 100/. for espousing the Royalist
cause, but the amount was eventually reduced to i o/.
in consideration of the gratuitous services which he
had rendered to sick and hurt soldiers serving under
Colonel Blake during the siege. ^
A garrison was maintained at Dunster Castle for
more than five years after its surrender to Blake.
Thus, in October 1 649, it was proposed to place 2,000
foot of Somerset in Bridgewater and Dunster Castle. ^
George Luttrell, although apparently allowed to live
in his own house, was made to feel that he was not
supreme there, the defences being in the hands of a
military governor, Major William Robinson. ^ On
the 25th of March 1650, nearly fourteen months
after the execution of Charles the First, the Council
of State resolved : —
" That it be referred to the Committee which conferrs
with the Officers of the Armie to consider whether or noe
Dunster Castle and Taunton Castle, or either of them, are fitt
to be demolished, and to report to the Councell their opin-
ions therein. " *
On the 6th of May, twelve barrels of gunpowder
were issued " for the supply of Taunton and Dunster
Castle, " and, on the 25 th of the same month, a further
demand of the Governor of Dunster Castle for arms
and ammunition was referred to the Committee of the
' Calendar of Committee for advance ^ Ibid. 1649-1650, p. 394.
of money, p. 815. ■• S. P. Dom. Interregnum. I. 64. f.
■ Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 120.
1648-1649, p. 300.
196 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
Ordnance. ^ The following resolutions are entered in
the order-book of the Council of State for the year
1650 :—
6 June. " That a letter bee written to Colonell Desbrow,
to let him know that this Councell leaves it to him to put
in such number of men into Dunster and Taunton Castles as
hee shall thinke fit to secure them. " ^
5 August. " That it bee refered to the Committee which
meets with the Officers of the Armie to take into consider-
ation the present condition of Dunster Castle, and to report
to the Councel their opinions what they thinke fitt to bee
done therein, either as to the makeing it untenable or re-
pairing of it. " ^
10 August. "At the Committee for Marshall Affaires.
Ordered that the Committee, haveing seriously considered
the present state of the guarrison at Dunster Castle, and
finding that the makeing of it every way teneable against an
enemy will require a great summe of money which they con-
ceive the Councell at present cannot well spare, conceive
it necessary that the said guarrison be drawne to Taunton,
and that the Castle be soe farre slighted as that it may not be
made suddainely teneable by an enemy, and that it be referred
to Major General! Desbrow to the Commissioners of the
Militia for the county to see this done and to send an account
thereof to the Councell. " *
The vv^ork of destruction was set in hand without
delay, a rate being levied in Somerset " for pulling
downe Dunster Castle. " ^ A communication written
on the spot on the 27th of August says : —
" Here hath been above two hundred men working at
this Castle these twelve daies about sleighting the same,
which is almost finished except the dwelling-house of Mr.
Lutterell and the Gatehouse, according to order of the
Councel of State. " '^
1 S. p. Dom. Interregnum. I. 64. ff. * Ibid. f. 70.
312, 389. 4 Savage's History of the Hundred of
* Ibid. {. 426. Carhampton, p. 436.
* Ibid. I. 8. f. 49. 6 ^ Perfect Diurnal, no. 38.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 197
The preservation of such parts of the fabric as still
remain is due to a resolution of the Council of State
on the 20th of August, v^hich arrived rather late : —
" To write to Major Robinson that Dunster Castle be
continued in the condition it is till further order of the
Councell, and that there bee twenty or thertie chozen men
there for the defence thereof. " ^
Six months later we read : —
" George, son and heire to Thomas, succeded him in his
estate. His castle of Dunster and estate being in the
enimies' hands at his father's death, he enjoyed little thereof
till reduced. The walles of his castle of Dunster, Mount
Stweevens and a fair new building therin were totally de-
molished and his gatehouse much defaced, by an order from
Whitehall under Mr. Bradshaw his hand, and another from
the Malitica, without and before any notice, veiw or re-
compence, August 8, 1650, to about 3000/. dammages, to
save the charge of a garrison, and his very mantioned house
at first advise to be puld down by the MaHticia, but after-
wards countermanded, and twenty souldiers put into his
house to gaurd Mr. Prynne close prisoner there.
" His wife is now pregnant. God send her a sonn and
heir, a joyfuU delivery and numerous happy posterity, to
perpetiate the family and name with onner and happines, to
God's glory and the publick welfare of the country and
kingdom in their successive genarations till the second com-
ing of Jesus Christ, which is the cordiall option and fervent
prayer of the collector of this pedigree. Febr. 1 8, anno 1 650.
Will. Prynne, Esq. " ^
The writer of this was one of the chief pamphlet-
eers of his time. Few sentences of the Court of
StarChamber had done so much to bring it into dis-
repute as those by which William Prynne had been
condemned to lose both his ears in the pillory, and to
be branded on the cheeks with the letters 'S.L.' mean-
' S.P. Dom. Interregnum, I.9. f. 13. * D.C.M. xxxviii. 100.
198 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
ing ' Seditious Libeller. ' He had taken some re-
venge on the Government of Charles the First by
hounding Archbishop Laud to the scaffold, but he
had protested against the execution of the King and
had written pamphlets denouncing the regime that had
been substituted for the monarchy.
On the 25th of June 1650, the Council of State
issued a warrant for the apprehension of William
Prynne for writing and practising against the Com-
monwealth, and for his confinement at Dunster Castle,
where nobody was to be allowed to confer with him
except in the presence of his gaoler. ^ Finding that
the muniments of George Luttrell were in a " con-
fused chaos, " he employed his time in making an
arrangement of them according to localities, which
has been maintained to the present time. He also
compiled a general calendar of them, at the end of
which there is a characteristic note that it was made
" by William Prynne of Swainswick, Esq. in the
eight months of his illegall, causeless, close impris-
onment in Dunster Castle by Mr. Bradshaw and his
companions at Whitehall, Feb. 18, Anno Dom. 1650,
2 Car. IL " The obstinacy of the man is shown by
his reference to the regnal year of a prince in exile.
From Dunster, he was that year removed to Taunton,
and thence to Pendennis Castle. ^ Soon after the
Restoration, he was appointed Keeper of the Records
at the Tower of London. ^
The following letters show the ultimate decision of
the Council of State with respect to Dunster Castle : —
" To the Commissioners of the Militia of the County of
Somerset.
Gentlemen. Although there appeare not much at present
' S.P. Dom. Interregnum, 1.64. f. 481. ^Dictionary of National Biography,
* /6irf. 1.96. f. 253. vol. xlvi.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 199
of any stirring of the enemy, yet Wee have sure information
that they have designes on foot at present of great danger
to the Commonwealth and particularly in those parts ; to
prevent which Wee think it necessary that such places as are
not yet made untenable should have some strength put into
them to prevent the enemyes' surprize. And Wee being
informed that Dunster Castle, the house of Mr. Lutterell,
is yet in condition that if it be seized by the enemy might
prove dangerous, Wee therefore desire you to appoint some
Militia forces to prevent the surprize of it, till there may be
some course taken to make it untenable, or that the state of
affairs may not be subject to the like danger as now they are.
Whitehall, 25 March 1651. " ^
" To Major General Desborowe.
Sir. Wee are informed from Major Robinson, Govern-
our of Taunton and Dunster Castle, that the forces remayn-
ing in those garrisons are not sufficient to enable him to
preserve the same for the service of the state. Wee there-
fore desire you to consider those places and the forces in
them, and in what you find those forces defective to make
supply thereof, that the Governour may be able to give a
good accompt thereof to the Commonwealth.
Whitehall, 20 Male 1651. "'
" To George Lutterell, Esq. of Dunster Castle.
Sir. Wee conceive it hath been some prejudice to you
that your house hath been still continued a garrison, which
Wee are willing you should be freed from, soe as the
Commonwealth may be assured from danger by it. And
Wee doubt not but you will bee carefuU to keepe the place
from the enemies' surprise in respect of your interest in it.
But that Wee may be able to give the Commonwealth
a good accompt of that place upon the remove of that gar-
rison, Wee hold fit that you enter recognizance before two
justices of the peace with two suretyes to the Keepers of the
Liberty of the Commonwealth of England, yourself in 6000/.
and 3000/. each of your suretyes. The condition to bee that
you shall not suffer any use to be made of your said house
of Dunster Castle to the prejudice of the Commonwealth
' S.P. DoiTi. Interregnum, 196. f. 73. ' Ibid. f. 193.
200 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
and present Government, which being done, Wee have given
order to Major Generall Desborow to draw off the men that
are in the same castle and dispose of them as Wee have
given order. Wee have had information of designes upon
that your Castle, the prevention of the operation whereof
hath occasioned our putting of a guard there ; and having
now put it into this way wherein Wee have had regard of
your conveniency. Wee expect you to be careful of what
besides your particular herein, concerns the interest of the
publique. Whitehall, 27 Maii 1651."^
On the same day, Major-General Desborow was
instructed to draw off the twenty men who were
quartered at Dunster Castle as soon as George Luttrell
should have entered into the recognisances prescribed.
The Government afterwards became so well satis-
fied of George Luttrell's loyalty to the Commonwealth
as to appoint him Sheriff of Somerset, in November
1652.' A half-length portrait of Oliver Cromwell
in armour, by Robert Walker, still hangs in the hall
at Dunster Castle.
George Luttrell married firstly Elizabeth, daughter
of Nicholas Prideaux of Soldon, in Devonshire. The
expected heir, for whom Prynne had expressed such
solicitude, was born at Dunster on the i8th of April
1 65 I, but lived only a short time, being baptized by
the name of George on the 6th of May and buried
on the same day. Mrs. Luttrell died on the 22nd
of May 1652, and was buried at Dunster the same
evening. A few weeks later, on the 15th of July,
George Luttrell married her cousin Honora, daughter
of John Fortescue of Buckland Filleigh, in Devonshire.
As a memorial of their wedding, they gave to the
church of Buckland Filleigh a silver flagon bearing
their arms, which is still in use. George Luttrell
' S. p. Dom. Interregnum, 196. f. 202. ' List of Sheriffs, p. 125.
- Ibid. I. 203.
CH.vi. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 201
died in 1655, at the age of thirty, without issue. A
large sum was expended on his burial, Henry Prigg
of Exeter charging loi/. for cloth, and Edward
Foxwell of the same city charging no less than 159/.
" for wines for the funerall." Honora, the widow,
hved at Exeter.
Francis Luttrell, son of Thomas and brother of
George succeeded. Of his early years nothing is
known except that he was baptized at Dunster on the
ist of November 1628 and admitted a member of
Lincoln's Inn in 1646. On the last day of March
1660, he was returned for the neighbouring borough
of Minehead to the Parliament which effected the
Restoration. He was similarly returned in the fol-
lowing spring and he sat until his death in 1666.
There was in his time a project of instituting an
' Order of the Royal Oak ' to commemorate the loyalty
of the faithful adherents of the House of Stuart, but
the King eventually abandoned it as likely to perpet-
uate political dissensions. A list of suitable persons
had, however, been prepared, county by county, and
among the fifteen nominated from Somerset we find
Francis Luttrell, who was reputed to have an income
of 1500/. ^ Considering that his relations, Luttrells
and Pophams alike, had been Roundheads, the inclus-
ion of his name among those of noted Cavaliers, like
Stawell, Berkeley and Gorges, seems strange, but the
demolition of the greater part of Dunster Castle by
order of the Council of State after the Civil War was
over, may have caused a change in his politics.
Francis Luttrell's wife, Lucy, came also of a Round-
head family, being the daughter of Thomas Symonds
' Wotton's English Baronetage (ed. 5th Series, vol. iv. pp. 49, 151, 238.
174 1), vol. iv. p. 374 ; Notes and Queries,
202 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
of Whittlesford, in Cambridgeshire, and the grand-
daughter of John Pym, the great ParHamentary leader.
The couple may have met at Charles Pym's house at
Brymore, near Bridgewater. The marriage took place
on the 8th of October 1655, ^^ Buckland Monach-
orum in Devonshire, where the bride must have been
staying w^ith her aunt. Lady Drake. Four years
later, Francis Luttrell made an elaborate settlement
with a view to preserving his estates in his own
" name and blood, " and accordingly conveyed to
trustees the castle, manor, and borough of Dunster,
the manors of Carhampton Barton, Minehead, Rod-
huish, Kilton, East Quantockshead, Withycombe
Hadley, Williton Hadley, Vexford and Heathfield
Durborough, the priory of Dunster, the hundred of
Carhampton, the parks of Dunster, Marshwood and
Quantockshead, Marshwood farm, and lands in those
and other neighbouring places. These were settled on
him for life with successive remainders in tail male to
his own sons, to Hugh Luttrell of Rodhuish, gentle-
man, George Luttrell, gentleman, son of George
Luttrell, clerk, Francis Luttrell of Gray's Inn, esquire,
Anthony Luttrell of Hartland, esquire, and Southcote
Luttrell of Saunton Court, esquire, with the exception
of the manor of Heathfield and lands at Venn, Cot-
ford and Norton Fitzwarren, which were reserved for
his second son Francis. ^
There are few memorials of the first Francis Lut-
trell beyond legal documents and bills. In 1663, he
paid no less than 4/. for " a smale great sadle for a
child, of pinck coulored plush trimed with silver lace."
At another time a " box of sweetmeates " cost him
7/. i6j. In 1665, the price of sherry and sack alike
' Legal common-place book belong- C.B. f. 33.
ing to Mr. C. E. H. Chadvvyck Healey,
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 203
was 5 J. per gallon. The price of claret ranged from
4/. 6/. 8^. to 4/. I 3J-. 4^. per ' tearce, ' the tearce being
a third of a pipe.
Francis Luttrell was buried at Dunster on the 14th
of March 1666. By Lucy his wife, who survived,
he left issue three sons, Thomas, Francis, and Alex-
ander, each of whom in turn succeeded to his landed
estate. The widow, however, was the actual manager
of it for some fourteen years.
On the death of Jane Luttrell of Marshwood in
1668, Lucy Luttrell of Dunster became involved in
suits at the Somerset Assizes, in the Court of Ex-
chequer, and in the Chancery, on behalf of her young-
est son, Alexander, commonly called ' Sany. ' The
old grandmother had undertaken to provide for the
boy and had duly made a will in his favour. ^ " She
hoped to make Sany almost as good a man as his
elder brother ; saying that if his elder brother invited
him to dinner, he should be able to invite his elder
brother to supper. " She seems to have been of a
miserly disposition, for, instead of buying land or
otherwise investing her money, she amassed " a great
treasure of gold, silver, &c. " at Marshwood. In 1 667,
the country people at Stoke Courcy apprehended nine
persons well horsed and armed, who confessed before
the magistrates a design of robbing her house. At
her death, however, only i 50/. were found there out
of about 10,000/. that she was believed to have hoard-
ed. At the instigation of Lucy Luttrell, two of the
servants were indicted of felony, and at a later stage,
she charged her own sister-in-law Amy and her hus-
band, George Reynell, with having caused large sums
of money in bags to be secretly removed from Marsh-
• Brown's Somersetshire Wills, vol. vi. p. i8.
204 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
wood. ' The Reynells were eventually condemned
in 6000/. with 200/. costs, and George Reynell was im-
prisoned successively in the Fleet and the Marshalsea.
After his escape from the latter, Lucy Luttrell sued
the Marshal and Keeper of the gaol and obtained
iudgment for the 6,200/.
Lucy Luttrell survived until Christmas Eve 171 8,
and was buried at Dunster on the 7th of January 1 7 1 9.
Thomas Luttrell, eldest son of Francis and Lucy,
was baptized at Dunster on the 19th of March 1657,
but he died under age and was buried there on the
20th of July 1670.
Francis Luttrell, second son of Francis and Lucy,
was baptized at Dunster on the i6th of June 1659.
He matriculated at Christ Church in March 1676,
but left Oxford without a degree. While he was an
undergraduate, there was an idea of buying a peerage
for him. Anthony Wood notes under the date of
26 October 1678 : —
" I was told from Sir Thomas Spencer's house that the
King hath given Dr. Fell, Bishop of Oxon, a patent for an
Earl (which comes to about 1000/.) towards the finishing of
the great gate of Christ Church next to Pembroke College.
He intends to bestow it on Mr. Lutterell, a gentleman com-
moner of Christ Church, of Somersetshire, having 4000/. per
annum at present. " ^
Francis Luttrell's income was certainly overstated,
and nothing came of the scheme. While he was
still under age, he was, in February 1679, returned to
Parliament as one of the members for Minehead, and,
' state Papers, Charles H. vol. 192, * Wood's Life and Times, vol. ii. p.
no. 118 ; vol. 229, no. 151; vol. 272, no. 421.
148.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 205
being re-elected at the next four elections, he contin-
ued to represent that borough until his death. ^
On the 1 5 th of July 1 680, a few weeks after attain-
ing his majority, Francis Luttrell married a beautiful
lady, Mary, daughter and heiress of John Tregonwell
of Milton Abbas in Dorset. She was wealthy too,
having an independent income of 2,500/. a year, the
capital value of which she estimated at 50,000/.
Ten months after his marriage, Francis Luttrell
was appointed by the Earl of Winchilsea, Lord Lieu-
tenant of Somerset, to be Colonel of a regiment of foot
in succession to Sir Halswell Tynte, and he was in
command of the local forces when the Duke of
Monmouth landed at Lyme in June 1685. * In this
emergency he had recourse to his wife. It had been
his habit to give her a guinea or broad piece of gold
whenever any of his tenants paid a fine for the renewal
of a lease, and so she had accumulated about 500/. at
Dunster Castle. From this hoard she then withdrew
about 200/. for his assistance. ^ He was, however,
obliged to evacuate Taunton on the approach of the
Duke, who there assumed the title of King.
On the third day after the battle of Sedgemoor, the
churchwardens of Dunster paid 71. td. to the ringers
" upon the rout of Monmouth. " The churchward-
ens and the overseers alike incurred a small expense
in " presenting the rebells " at Stogumber, and three
men were hanged at Dunster after the " Bloody
Assizes. "
In the later part of the short reign of James the
Second, Francis Luttrell was no longer to be reckoned
as one of his supporters. In 1687, he declined to
> Return of Members of Parliament. ^ chancery Proceedings, Mitford 538,
* Historical MSB. Commission, Re- no. 2.
port iii. p. 96.
2o6 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
vote for the repeal of the penal laws, and he was one
of the first men of importance to join the standard of
the Prince of Orange at Exeter in November 1688. ^
Receiving from him a commission to raise an inde-
pendent company of foot, he applied himself to the
task with such energy that he collected the necessary
men in the course of three days, and he maintained
them at his own expense for a fortnight. The local
tradesmen, however, took advantage of his haste, and
charged him 1,500/. for clothes which soon proved
worthless. ^ In the following February, several com-
panies were amalgamated into a regular regiment of
the line, and he was appointed to be its first Colonel.
Most of the officers belonged to families well known
in Somerset and Devon such as Northcote, Malet,
Bowyer, Wyndham, Coward, Dodington, Prater,
Sydenham, Stocker and Hancock. After going for
a time to Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight, the
regiment took up its quarters at Plymouth. At a later
period, it became known as the 'Nineteenth Foot,' and
associated with Yorkshire. ^ A number of old match-
locks branded with the initials " F.L. " are still
preserved at Dunster Castle. There is also there an
oval portrait of Francis Luttrell in a large brown
periwig, with military lace tie and a steel gorget with
gilt rivets.
Colonel Luttrell and his wife used to spend very
large sums on clothes for themselves, their children,
and their servants. A series of bills rendered by
William Franklyn of the parish of Covent Garden,
tailor, is interesting as illustrating the history of
costume and showing in detail the cost of different
^ Green sMarchofWillJamo/Orange, i. p. i68.
pp. 29, 32, 48, 57. s Cannon's Historical Record of the
* Calendar of Treasury Papers, vol. Nineteenth Regiment.
COL. FRANCIS lA TTRELL.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 207
materials, at a time when the purchasing power of
money was much greater than it is now. As will
be seen by the extracts to be given below, the tailor
and the seamstress got comparatively little for their
labour.
168 1, August. " Making a rich laced cloath suite, i/. i Ss.
Silk and galloone, ^s. A pair of scarlett silk stockings with
gold, i/. 155. Buckles to the britches, 35. 6^. Silk to line
the britches, I oj. Pocketts and staying tape, 3 j 6^. A sett
of rich gold buttons, 2/. 14^.6^. Rich gold brest buttons, 4^.6^.
Fine drawing the suite, 3J. 6^. 2^ yards of superfine gray
cloth, 2/. 1 2 J. 6^. Buckram and canvas, is. 3^. 5 J yards of
rich Florence sattin, to line the coate, 4/. 14J. Scarlett plaine
ribbon, i/. 5J. 4 yards rich gold and scarlett ribbon, 6/. ^s.
18 yards rich gold orar lace for coate and britches, 18/.
Gold chaine to the suite, 14J. 9^. Rich gold needle for the
gloves, 10/. 5 J. A pair of gloves, makeing and faceing, gs.
A scarlett fether, i/. 8j. Rich needle gold fring fora scarffe,
35/. 5^. Silk for the scarffe and makeing itt, iSs. "
In March 1682, there are charges for "a light
coUoured cloath suite, " made of " superfine Spanish
cloath att 20s. per yard, " on which were no less than
"12 dozen of rich gold buttons at 41. 6^. per dozen, "
besides " gold buttons for the britches " costing 3J-. 6d.
On the same day, Franklyn supplied " a sad colloured
suite, " which also had " 12 dozen of rich gold
buttons " as before, and " 5 dozen of gold brest ditto
for wast [coat] and britches, " the latter evidently
small and costing only i os. or 2s. a dozen. The " sad
colloured gold and silver ribbon for shoulder and
sword " cost 2/. I oj. " Rich broad gold orace lace
for the wast [coat] and hands of the coate " cost 7/.
Some three weeks later, particulars are given of
" a druggitt suite. " The material cost only ^s. a
yard, but it must have been narrow, as eight yards
were required. A similar quantity was used a month
2o8 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
later in making "a stuffe suite" but the "fine stufFe"
cost gs. 9^. a yard. On this there were " 1 1 dozen
of silver and silk buttons" costing i/. iSs. td. and
" 3 J dozen of small buttons " costing \s. 6d. " A sett
of figured i od. ribbon for sword, shoulder and hand
knotts, " belonging to it, cost 3/. 4J. and " 2 dozen
of pinck and green \6d. ribbon cost i/. 12s. "
In August, Colonel Luttrell ordered another " stufFe
suite, " and in October another " cloath suite, " made
of " fine Spanish cloath att 20s. per yard. " " A long
wastcoate " to be worn with the latter required 4^
yards of " Florence sattin " at 1 3J. per yard. In
November, he had " a cloath rideing coate " made of
" fine Spanish drabdebery ^ att 20j-. per yard, " lined
with " blew fine rateene, " and ornamented with " larg
silver plate buttons" that cost 3/. los.
In April 1683, Colonel Luttrell ordered two suits.
One of them was made of " light cloath " at 20s. a
yard and had " gold and silver buttons " costing i /. 1 6s.
and silver trimmings. The other was made of " fine
stufii^, " apparently very narrow, costing js. a yard.
In July, he ordered a coat of " gray cloath " at 16/. a
yard, lined with " Florence sarcenett, " and a pair
of " bufFe britches. "
By 1685, male costume seems to have become rath-
er simpler, the number and cost of buttons having been
greatly reduced. A coat made in November of that
year of " fine French ratteen " at 20/. a yard, had
facings of striped satin to the " hands, " or cuffs. The
breeches worn with it were of " black floward velvet. "
A " cloath suite " made in the same month had only
a few " silke buttons " costing 8j. and the stockings
were only of " wosted. " On the other hand, the
' Drap de Berry, woollen cloth as made in Berry in France.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 209
waistcoat required " 5J- yards of blew Florence dam-
ask " costing 3/. IIS. bd. and there was 5/. worth
of gold lace on it and on the " cuffs " of the coat.
A drugget coat made in June 1686 was worn over a
silk waistcoat trimmed with broad silver lace costing
2/. loj". and breeches of " rich damaske " of colours
unspecified. A riding coat of " drabdubery " had
velvet facings to the sleeves and the neck.
In September 1687, Colonel Luttrell had a coat of
" fine Segovia serge " adorned with " rich black and
gold lace, " a waistcoat of " scarlet ratteene, " breeches
of " rich Scarlett velvett, " and a pair of fine worsted
stockings. In January 1689, he had a coat of fine
blue cloth, lined with " black rasdejane, " a " black
ratteene wastcoat " and breeches of "black flowered
velvett. " The buttons were of black silk and inex-
pensive. A waistcoat of white and gold silk cost
17/. IS. 3^., in April, 1689, the material alone being
reckoned at 55/. a yard. In that month there were
extra charges on a uniform apparently supplied by
the Government: —
" To pay for the lineing of your imbroydered coat, being
of richer sattin and much better than the lineing of the other
officers i/. 6j. To pay for blew cloth for your coat, being
much better than the other officers, \os. "
In June, Franklyn himself supplied a coat of scar-
let cloth, adorned with " 9 dozen rich double water
gilt buttons " at \os. a dozen, a waistcoat of " India
camlett " " with loops all over " of blue and gold,
and velvet breeches. The following items occur at
various dates between 1681 and 1689 : —
" A morning gowne, 4/. lis.
6 pair of the best jessimy gloves, 15J.
A set of sterling plate buttons, 5/.
A dozen of carr whips, i /. 65.
2IO A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
6 hunting whips, i2s.
A leading pike with a gold head, i/. 12s.
A pattison (i.e. partizan), i/. Ss.
A gold sword, 3/. js.
2 lace cravatts and ruffles, 13/. lOJ.
2 pair of stifned gloves faced, 12s.
A white bever, 3/. 4;. 6^.
A black French hat edged with gold, and a gold hat-band, i ys.
A black French hat, plaine, ip.
Laid out in receiving a thousand pounds for you, iL
A gold belt, 2/. I ys. 6d.
4 pair of fine gloves, 1 55. 6d,
2 pair of perfumed gloves, 1 9J. 6d.
3 fine long lace cravatts, 10/.
A black bever, 3 guinneyes, 3/. 4J. 6^.
A Venetian morning gowne lined with blew sattin, cap,
and sleeppers, 7/.
2 pair of doeskin gloves,6j. Trimming them and faceing, 3J.
A lead combe, 2s.
A rich gould neckcloth, i/. is. 6d. Two wrought gould
dittos, i/.
3 fine whipps, i/. lOJ.
3 cane whipps, lOJ.
A black Carolina hatt and band, 135.
A case of French rasors, i/. is. 6d.
Haifa pound of snuffe, i/. 8j.
Franklyn's bills for goods supplied to Mrs. Lutt-
rell begin about the time of the birth of her eldest
daughter. The following are some of the items : —
1 68 1, October 10. "A suite of lace childbed linen,
mantle and apron, 10/. Broad fine lace, 61. los. 7 yards
broad fine lace, 305. per yard, 10/. ioj. 6 yards of broad
fine lace att 22j. per yard, 61. I2s.
A bone lace night raile, 61. 6s. A cornet and coife, 6/. 55.
A childbed suite of fine hoUand, i/. A pair of bone lace
ruffles, 2/.
A silver porringer and spoone, i/. 55.
Another suite of fine lace linnen, 61. los.
Damask and diaper for clouts, 1 2/. 1 55.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 211
A lace Holland wastcoate, 3/. 12s.
Damask mantle sleeves night wastcoate, cap and rowlers,
2/. i^s.
A pair of rich silk bodyes and sleeves, 2/. i 8j.
Paid for the cradle, bolster, pillow, and quilt of white
imbroidered sattin, 16/.
A white sattin bed quilt, 3/. los.
An allamode hood, ^s.
A rich gold fringe for a petticoate, ill. los.
6| yards of lace for the tylight (/. e. toilette), at i8j. per
yard, 6/. is. dd.
18 yards of rich white sattin and gold floured silk for the
gowne and pettycoate at 265. per yard, 23/. 8j. Making the
gowne and pettycoate, lis.
Cherry coUoured manto to line the gowne, il. is. 6d.
3 yards of cherry and gold flowred silk for the twylight
(/. e. toilette), at 3 35. per yard, 4/. 19J.
3^ yards of rich cherry gold and silver flowred silk for a
mantle, at 385. per yard, 61. 35. Florence sarcenett to line
all three mantles, 3/. White Florence sattin to make a
mantle, 4/. 6s. Makeing the two mantles and tweelight with
broad lace, i/.
A pair of silk sleepers, 8j. 6d.
Flourishes for pointe, lu. "
October 11. "2 yards of lace for a pillowber, il. 12s.
A chest of drawers. Prince wood, 4/. los.
7 J yards of silver lace, 13 J. per yard, 4/. 145. 3<^. "
1682, January 2. "A fine cornett {i.e. coronet), 8j.
2 papers of patches, 2j.
A flowred roule, 45.
A crimson topknott, 2S. 6d.
A sett of fillagreene, 61. \\s.
February 19. "A white allamode hood, 95.
2 dimity wastcoates, 3J. 6d. 2 silk wastcoates, 3/. \os. "
April 24. "22 yards of black French fine gause, at \s. 6d.
per yard, 4/. 19J.
A suite of blew sattin knots, gloves, and girdle, 4/.
May 8. " A pair of cherry and gold lace shoose, 15J.
A pair of black and silver fringe shoose, 1 5J.
212 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
Makeing a rich gold and white pettycoate, 6s. 6| yards
of rich gold and white silk, att 3/. ifi. per yard, 22/. 19. ^^d.
A dozen of white kid leather gloves, i/. is. Gd. "
July 29. "4 pair of clouded silk stockings, 2/. 105. 6d. "
November 10. " For ivory tools for point worke, 3J.
A fine rich lace night rayle, 7/. 4;.
Fine bone lace for a hood, 5/. Fine bone lace for a
quoife, i/. Fine bone lace for an apron, 3/. Fine bone
lace for a cap, i/. 55. "
November 18. " 5 J yards of cherry coUoured mantow att
lis. 6d. per yard, 3/. 8j. 9^.
6 pair of white gloves, lis. 6d. 3 pair of jessimy gloves,
yj. 6d. 3 pair of Genoa gloves, ioj. 6d. "
1683, May 2. "A colberteene wyre, loj. Gd. " ^
July 7. " A rideing cravatt, il. 155.
A whole head of haire, iL 15J.
A box of sweet meates, 61. 5J.
10 yards of spotted lutestring, at "js. 6d. per yard, 3/. i^d.
Makeing a camlett rideing coate, 8j. 9 dozen of greene
and silver buttons, il. 2s. 6d. 7^ yards of fine hair camlett,
at 95. per yard, 3/. 75. 6d. Green Florence sarcenett to line,
2/. 3 J. A greene and white feather, il. 35. "
August 4. "6 pair of white gloves, lOJ. 7 pair of rich
Roman gloves, i/, 8j.
August 24. " A pair of shamy gloves, 4J. 6d.
Makeing a crape mantua, 4J. 6d. 20 yards of fine crape
at IS. 6d. per yard, 2/. lOJ. Makeing a crape peaticote and
ribbon, 4J. 6d.
A pair of black cloth shoose, 55.
A black feather fann at lis.
A pair of black sattin stayes with all appurtenances, il. los. "
December 18. "A fine ermin tippet and fine sable mufFe,
at four guineyes, 4/. 6j. "
1685, December i . " Paid then to Mr. Coap att the Black
Lyon for silke bought against the Coronation, 24/. 45. "
1686, February 23. "A paire of gould tabby stayes, 2/."
1688, March i. "A bottle of orange flower water, 4^. "
' Colbertine, ' a lace resembling network, ' so called after Coblert.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 213
July 25. " Makeing a sultaine, i/. loj. Paid for greene
lutestring for the neck and pocketts, 6s. Paid for silver
lace and buttons, 2/. i8j. "
At this last date, Mrs. Luttrell's debt to William
Franklyn amounted to 819/. 1 3J. 8^. of which 15/.
10s. td. represented interest on 345/. for nine months.
Some of the items in the bills were for clothes for
her children. Thus we find the following : —
1683, March 17. "A crimson and white silk coate for
Master, i/. i8j. "
May 2. " Making a greene silk coate for Master, %s. 4
yards of rich Itallian silk at lu. per yard, il. \s. "
August 22. " Paid for makeing 2 silver coates, i/. 45. lOj
yards of rich gold and silver silke for both coates, at 33J.
per yard, 16/. i8j. \\d. "
1686, April 24. " For makeing three children's coates,
i/. lOi. For 20 yards of stript and floward silke at i \s.6d.
per yard, 11/. ioj.
1687, April 2. "A black caster for Master, 15J.
Makeing of 3 velvett coats for the children, i/. 15J. 24 yards
stri[ped] scarlett velvett, at i6j. 6d. 19/. i6j. 9 yards Scar-
lett stripped] silk to face them, at 5^. 6^/, 2/. 95. dd. "
1688, May 5. " Makeing 4 children's coats, with all things
to them, 2/. 1 55. 35 yards flowered waved silk for the coats,
at I2J, 21/.
Gold tabby to face Master's sleeves, 75. "
1690, May 29. " For a pair of blew stript silk stays for
Miss Mary, i/. 55. For making her a rich manto and
pettycoat of the same trimmed with silver fringe and foot,
1 5J. For thirteen yards and half of silk stript with bloom
and silver, at 155. per yard, 10/. is. 6d. For 9 ounces and
J of silver fringe and foot, at 4J. 6d. per ounce, il. 2s. 9^. "
Colonel Luttrell was of course responsible for the
liveries of the men in his service. The following are
samples of the entries relating to them : —
1683, June 26. " Makeing of seven liveries laced, 5/.
2 14 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
Silk galloone and lineing the britches, iL Seven pair of
stockings, i/. 15^. Ribbon to tye the knees, yj. dd. Pocketts,
staying tape, canvas and buckram, i/. 20 yards of gray
cloath, at ioj. per yard, 10/. Yellow padoway to line six
coates, 3/. i6j. Silk to line the page's coate, lOJ. Silk to
make the wastcote and lineing, i8j. 6 black lacker hatts, 3/.
A black caster for the page, 13J. 151 yards of black and
gold lace for the 7 liveries, at 6j. per yard, 45/. 6j. Black
and gold chaine for the 7 liveries, 4/. \os. Black and gold
buttons for them 5/. \os. Ribbons for the liveryes, i/. 18 J. "
From other similar entries it appears that the black
and gold buttons cost about \s. ()d. per dozen, so that
5/. los. would represent about 750 buttons for the
seven liveries.
In 1677, the churchw^ardens of Dunster paid 6d.
to " Mr. Luttrell's huntsman for killing three hedge-
hogs. "
There is a detailed list of the plate at Dunster
Castle in 1690 : —
" Sixteen silver hafted knives, twenty and three spoones,
eighteen forkes, twelve small salts, one great salt, six tumb-
lers, two tankards, two great cupps with covers, six guilt
cupps, one flatt sugar box guilt, one round sugar box guilt,
one pepper box, one mustard box, three chafeing dishes, four
stands, one large spoone, one bason and ewere, two mazar-
ines, six chargers, three dozen of trencher plates, three
caudle cupps and three covers, two ladles, one small spoone,
one ring for sweete meats, seaven plates belonging to the
ring, one pye plate, two salvers, one coffee pott, six candle-
sticks, three snuffer panns, three paire of snuffers, two
chamber potts, tenn basons, one warming pann. "
The whole was valued at the time at 652/. Even
if none of the pieces dated beyond the reign of Charles
the Second, they would nowadays be very highly
prized. It will be observed that there were two
silver plates for each fork, the plates being changeable
once in the course of dinner, while one fork was con-
MARY LITIREIJ.
(LADY I'.ANCKS).
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 215
sidered sufficient for the whole meal. In addition to
his plate of silver and silver-gilt, Colonel Luttrell had
great quantity of pewter.
Mary Luttrell, his wife, had many jewels, one of
which was reported to be worth 800/., a great sum in
those days, but this was an exaggeration. Some of
these ornaments had come to her from her mother,
the daughter of a former Lord Mayor of London ;
others were presents from her husband. Thus she
had a picture of him set in gold with diamonds round
it, a " crosiatt " of diamonds, and a diamond neck-
lace. ^ She is represented without any jewellery in
an oval portrait at Dunster Castle, painted as a com-
panion to that of her husband mentioned above.
Colonel Francis Luttrell died at Plymouth on the
25th of July 1690, at the age of thirty-one. Un-
conscious or regardless of the condition of his affairs,
the widow caused his body to be removed to Dunster
for interment, and so spent the then considerable sum
of 300/. on his funeral. The hatchment painted on
this occasion is still in existence. Colonel Luttrell
had issue four children : —
Tregonwell, his heir.
Mary, born on the 25th of November 1681, and bap-
tized on the 20th of December. Under her father's
will, she became entitled to 4,000/. She married
on the 2ist of January 1701, a widower. Sir George
Rooke, the celebrated admiral. Dying in childbed
about eighteen months later, she was buried at
Horton in Kent. ^ Queen Anne and Prince George
of Denmark stood as god-parents to her infant.
Jane, baptized at Milton Abbas, on the 19th of
1 Chancery Proceedings, Mitford * Musgravc's Obituary.
538, no. 2.
2i6 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
August 1684, and buried at Dunster on the 14th
of November, 1688.
Frances, born on the 17th of April 1688 and baptized
at Dunster. She married firstly, about Christmas
1705, Edward Harvey, and secondly Edward Ashe
of Heytesbury. Like her elder sister, she was
entitled to 4,000/. under the will of her father.
The untimely death of Francis Luttrell gave rise
to a great deal of trouble. In the first place there
was a contest in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury
between his relict Mary and his brother Alexander,
guardian of the three children all under age. It was
not until March 1693 that the widow and executrix
undertook the administration of the personal estate. ^
Then creditors began to make their voices heard.
According to one statement, the debts amounted to
12,000/. in addition to a sum of 10,000/. due to
Alexander Luttrell. Sir William Wyndham's loan of
4,000/. was secured upon the manor of Beggarnhuish
and other lands, part of the ancient inheritance of
the Luttrells of East Quantockshead, and these ac-
cordingly passed away from the family. Debts se-
cured byjudgment ranked next, but there were various
creditors who stood in to lose heavily, the bulk of the
real property being strictly entailed. Servants' wages
had not been paid for years. Mary Luttrell, the
widow, moreover, had a jointure of 1,500/. a year
which she was not at all disposed to forego. Several
members of the Dyke family who had a claim upon
her late husband's personal estate, retaliated by con-
tending that her jewels should be reckoned as part of
it. Although a minute inventory was made of the
contents of Dunster Castle, little or nothing seems to
' p. CO. Coker. f. 40.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 217
have been actually sold. ^ Under the will of Colonel
Francis Luttrell, the vvridow was entitled to a life-
interest in all his furniture, and it is not unlikely that
she gave some of her own money to rescue it from the
creditors. A few family portraits of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries still survive at Dunster
Castle. The fate of other moveables is briefly re-
corded in the diary of Narcissus Luttrell under the
date of 19 November 1696: —
" Yesterday morning a sudden fire hapned in Mrs Lut-
trell's house in St. James's Street, being newly and richly
furnished, which burnt it to the ground, the lady herself
narrowly escaping, and 'tis said she lost in plate, Jewells, ^c.
to the value of 10,000/. "
Tradition says that nothing was saved but one
diamond ring. A few weeks after this catastrophe,
Mrs. Luttrell married Jacob Bancks, a Swede by birth,
who held a commission as Captain in the English
navy. ^ According to one story, he had helped to
rescue her from the flames. He was knighted in
1699, and, through the Luttrell influence, he was
elected to represent Minehead in nine successive
Parliaments. ' Sir Jacob's bowl ' will be mentioned
hereafter. ^ Lady Bancks died of small-pox on the
2nd of March 1704, and was buried at Milton Abbas,
where there is a monument to her memory. Five
months later, her husband entered into a curious
arrangement with the wife of Alexander Luttrell of
Dunster Castle, the particulars of which are given in
his own writing: —
" I doe accnouledge to have receivd the summ off five
guineas to pay Miss" Doroty Luttrell the summ of fifty
guineas in case I doe marie after the 14th day of Agust
' Chancery Proceedings, Mitford, 538, ' Briej Relation, vol. iv. pp. 142, 150.
no. 2; 546, no. 48. ^ Pages 244, 245, below.
2i8 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
1704, in witnes wherofF I have sett my hand this 14th day
Agust 1704 afForesed, J. Bancks.
In presens off
A. Fownes,
F. Lutterell.
Ann Fownes. "
Although the Swede had secured the hand of an
EngHsh heiress, he clearly was not proficient in writing
her native language. It may be noted by the way
that he did not marry again. Milton Abbas event-
ually passed to his second son, and from him to a cousin,
a foreigner who was in no way related to the father
of Lady Bancks. ^
Tregonwell Luttrell, only son of Francis and
Mary, was born on the 12th of February 1683 and
baptized at Dunster about a month later. Some
notices of the rich clothes that he wore while still an
infant have been given above. He was little more
than seven years of age at the time of his father's
death, and he did not live to obtain actual possession
of the ancestral estates. Dying at Sheerness in Oct-
ober 1703, he was buried at Dunster on the last day
of that month. ^ His uncle Alexander then became
the head of the Luttrell family.
Alexander Luttrell, third son of Francis and
Lucy, was baptized at Dunster on the 20th of October
1663. He matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford,
as a gentleman commoner, in May 1 677, when he was
under fourteen years of age, but, like his elder brother
Francis, he left the University without a degree. In
' There is an account of the Bancks ' The newsmongers in London con-
family in Savage's Hundred of Car- founded him with his uncle. Luttrell's
/zam/)ton, pp. 638-643, derived from Hut- Brief Relation, vol. v. p. 531.
chins's History of Dorset.
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 219
the later part of his academical career, he was con-
cerned in an outrage on the dowager Lady Lovelace
which caused some excitement at the time. Lord
Bulkeley, Leopold Finch, Luttrell and five other
young blades from Christ Church who had been
drinking at the Crown tavern one evening in June
1 68 1, are stated to have "plucked her out of her
coach, " calling her by opprobrious names and other-
wise misconducting themselves in the street. ^ Before
leaving Oxford, Alexander Luttrell had been admitted
a student of the Middle Temple, in 1680.
When the independent regiment raised by Colonel
Francis Luttrell in November 1688 was put on a
regular footing in the following February, his brother
Alexander received a definite commission in it as
Captain. After the death of the first Colonel, Thomas
Erie, who had been in a different regiment, was
appointed to succeed him, and Alexander Luttrell
was one of several officers who at once resigned in
disgust.
When his former Lieutenant-Colonel, William
Northcote was placed at the head of a new regiment
in February 1694, Alexander Luttrell rejoined him
as a Captain. This regiment was disbanded in 1697,
but, in 1702, he and several of his brother officers
accepted commissions in a regiment of Marines under
the command of George Villiers. In December 1703,
he was promoted to be Colonel of that regiment,
which eventually became known as the ' Thirty-first
Foot. ' ^ After the successive deaths of his nephew,
Tregonwell Luttrell, and his sister-in-law Lady Bancks,
he finally left the army, and he took up his residence
at Dunster in 1705.
'Wood's Life and Times, vol. ii. p. ^ DaMon's Ejiglish Army Lists, yo\. iii.
542. P- 63.
220 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
Alexander Luttrell was returned to Parliament by
the borough of Minehead in October 1690, in
immediate succession to his elder brother, and he was
duly re-elected on six occasions in the course of the
next fifteen years. He does not appear to have stood
in 1705, when Sir John Trevelyan and Sir Jacob
Bancks were returned. At Minehead he spent a good
deal of money on the improvement of the harbour,
and there was a project of reviving in his favour the
office of vice-admiral which had been held by his
ancestor, the second Sir Hugh Luttrell, and by his
brother Francis Luttrell.
There are at Dunster Castle two half-length por-
traits of Colonel Alexander Luttrell, in both of which
he is depicted in a large periwig and a red gown.
He died on the 22nd of September 171 1 and was
buried at Dunster on the 6th of October. He had
married on the 20th of July 1702, at Exminster in
Devonshire, Dorothy daughter of Edward Yard of
Churston Ferrers in that county. They had issue three
children : —
Alexander, heir to his father.
Francis, born on the 9th of April 1709 and baptized
at Dunster. He married at Kingswear on the i 3th
of January 1730, Anne daughter and heiress of
Charles Stucley of Plymouth, and they took up
their abode at Venn, a house belonging to his elder
brother, in the parish of Heathfield. There are at
Dunster three portraits of him and one portrait of
her. She died on the 30th of October 1731, in
the twenty-first year of her age, and a marble monu-
ment in memory of her can hardly have been set
up in the south-eastern chapel in Dunster Church
before he followed her to the grave, dying on the
7'. Hiulson
ANNE LUTTRELL.
(MRS. PLKYDELL.)
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 221
6th of January 1732. Their only child, Anne,
married, in 1751, Edmund Morton Pleydell of
Milborne St. Andrew and Whatcombe House, in
Dorset, and lived to a very great age. ^ There is
at Dunster Castle a portrait of her w^hen young, in
a black hat with white feathers and a black dress
with white sleeves, and a good deal of jewellery. ^
Dorothy, born in the loth of May 1707 and baptized
at Dunster. She died young.
For twelve years from the death of Colonel Alex-
ander Luttrell, Dorothy his widow managed the
Dunster estate on behalf of their eldest son, Alexander.
One contemporary describes her as " a very prudent
and charitable gentlewoman; " another styles her "the
great good lady at the Castle; " and a third, in 1720,
speaks of her adding to her " former just, charitable
and pious actions " by paying the debts of her brother-
in-law. Colonel Francis Luttrell, still outstanding.
In 17 1 8, she purchased for her son the advowson of
the church of Minehead. ^ The changes that she
made in and around Dunster Castle will be mentioned
in a subsequent chapter. The following little memor-
andum in her handwriting, made shortly before her
death, must not be taken to indicate a miserly dispos-
ition : —
" There is in the writing closett 2,300/. in money, be-
sides a hundred pound in broad pieces and moyders received
by leases. " *
No bank existed at that time in which the money
could conveniently be deposited.
' Hutchins's History of Dorset, vol. i. hats and dresses. Both of them are
p. 199 ; vol. ii. p. 600. known to be by Thomas Hudson.
^ There is a large picture of a lady at ^ Hancock's Minehead, pp. 126, 135.
Hartwell House in Buckinghamshire * Moidores were gold coins of Por-
and a smaller picture of a lady at Ecton tugal.
in Northamptonshire, in very similar
222 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
Dorothy Luttrell died on the 19th of November
1723 and was buried in the vault of the Priory Church
at Dunster. There is a very pleasing portrait of her
at the Castle in primrose satin with blue drapery
hanging from the head, painted by Michael Dahl
about the time of her marriage.
Alexander Luttrell the second, eldest son of
Colonel Alexander Luttrell and Dorothy his wife,
was born at Dunster on the loth of May 1705, and
baptized there a month afterwards. In the autumn of
1722, when he was seventeen and a half years of age,
he and his brother Francis were sent to Oxford under
the charge of William Kymer, the curate of Dunster,
in order that the elder of them should matriculate at
Christ Church. The bill of their expenses shows
that they spent the first night at the Swan at Bridge-
water, the second at the George at Wells, the third
at the Three Tuns at Bath, and the fourth at the Lamb
at Cirencester. They stayed at the Star at Oxford
for a week, during which each of the young men
bought a wig costing nearly 4/. The 'caution money'
paid to the ' treasurer ' or bursar, amounted to 1 5/.
On the return journey, they stopped at Burford,
Cirencester, Sudbury, Bristol and Stowey.
Shortly before coming of age, Alexander Luttrell
married a lady several years older than himself,
Margaret daughter of his neighbour Sir John Trevel-
yan of Nettlecombe. A post-nuptial settlement of
his estate was made in 1729. Having a predomin-
ant interest at Minehead, he was, almost as a matter
of course, elected as one of the Members for that
borough in the ParHaments of 1727 and 1734. At
Dunster he had a ' huntsman ' as well as a gamekeep-
er. He or his father of the same name reduced the
^w
1
^^^^^^^^^^^KK^ • j^^^H
mk ^
1
.W. ]>afii.
DOROTHY LFTTRKLL
CH. VI. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 223
value of the hereditary property by selling the manor
of Williton Hadley to Sir William Wyndham.
Alexander Luttrell the second is chiefly to be re-
membered as the subject of numerous portraits. En-
dowed with good looks, and habitually dressed in fine
clothes, he sat in turn to several of the principal
painters of his day. It is, however, very difficult to
distinguish the portraits of him from those of his
brother Francis. An inventory of the year 1744
specifies three of him as being then at Dunster Castle.
One of these described as being " in miniature " may
possibly be identified with a very small canvas repre-
senting a boy, bewigged according to the fashion of
the time, and wearing a red coat, with a sword by
his side and a bird on his arm. In a pocket-book of
John Fownes Luttrell, there is a note that Boit, the
master of the famous enameller Zincke, painted " the
picture " of his grandfather Luttrell.
The second portrait of Alexander Luttrell shows
him also as a boy in a light periwig and coat and
waistcoat of mouse-coloured velvet. In the third,
which is a striking three-quarter length, he is a young
man in a light periwig and a blue velvet coat lined
with white satin. In the fourth, which is also three-
quarter length, he wears a larger light periwig, a brown
velvet coat and a very long waistcoat of a rich mater-
ial embroidered, or interwoven, with gold. This
picture is signed by John Vanderbank, and dated
' 1729. ' In addition to the foregoing portraits of
Alexander Luttrell at Dunster Castle, there is one of
him in red velvet at Nettlecombe Court, and another
also in red velvet at Bathealton Court. One of these
may be by Enoch Seeman, to whom he paid sixteen
guineas, in 1733, "for four pictures. "
224 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vi.
Alexander Luttrell died on the 4th of June 1737
and was buried at Dunster on the 1 6th, when thirty-
nine mourning rings at a guinea apiece, and six small
ones at ioj. were distributed among relations and
friends.
In 1 74 1, Margaret Luttrell, the widow, married a
second husband, Edward Dyke, the last male repre-
sentative of a family which had very rapidly acquired
a great landed estate in Somerset. As his wife, she
divided her time between his residences at Tetton
and Pixton. For some years, she had the sole charge
of three heiresses who were brought up as sisters —
her own daughter Margaret Luttrell, her first hus-
band's niece Anne Luttrell, and her second husband's
cousin, Elizabeth Dyke, afterwards Lady Acland.
There are two portraits of Edward Dyke at Pixton,
and two at Dunster. At the latter place there are four
portraits of his second wife. In the first of these she
is represented as a girl in blue and white satin. The
second, painted by J. Vanderbank in 1729, shows her
seated, with a dog by her side. In the third she is
in white satin with a red scarf, and in the fourth,
painted by Richard Phelps, in a blue cloth cloak
with a white hood over her head. There is a fifth
portrait of her, as Mrs. Luttrell, at Nettlecombe
Court, in blue silk with white sleeves and a white sash.
Mrs. Dyke died in 1764. By her will, proved at
Taunton, it appears that she painted flower pieces at
a time when few ladies had any practical acquaintance
with art.
.7. Vfnidfrhdvh.
ALKXANDKR LrTTRELL
CHAPTER VII.
The Fownes Luttrells of Dunster
1737— 1780.
Margaret Luttrell, the only child of Alexander
Luttrell the second, and Margaret his wife, was born
on the 7th of February, 1726, and baptized at
Dunster. She was consequently little more than
eleven years of age at the time of her father's death.
Although the Luttrells had increased and multiplied
in Somerset and Devon in the course of the seven-
teenth century, there were, in 1737, only five living
representatives of the family, two young girls, this
Margaret and her cousin Anne ; a lunatic, Southcote
Luttrell of Saunton Court ; an old bachelor, Francis
Luttrell of the Temple; and a boy, Southcote Hun-
gerford Luttrell. These last three were but distantly
related to the Luttrells of Dunster, not having had
an ancestor resident there for two centuries.
Alexander Luttrell had died in debt, due in part
to personal extravagance and in part to the necessity
imposed upon him by his parents of providing a
fortune of 10,000/. for Anne Luttrell, the daughter
of his deceased brother Francis. The estate was
therefore thrown into Chancery and it was not until
1744 that the Master entrusted with the case made
his report upon the accounts. In the meanwhile
Dunster Castle was closed and two valuations of its
226 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
contents were made for the satisfaction of the credit-
ors. In point of fact all the pictures and furniture
were saved, but such silver as had been acquired by
Alexander Luttrell or his father was dispersed. The
accounts of Lancelot St. Albyn, the receiver of the
rents for the year 1743, contain several references to
this matter, of which three will suffice : —
" Paid Mr. Alexander, goldsmith, for his assistance three
days at the sale of Mr. Luttrell's plate, 2/. 45. dd. Paid
Mr. White for the use of a room in the Crown Tavern in
Taunton, three days and expenses there, il. \s. ^d. Paid
the cryar, or salesman, 55. "
Particulars have been preserved of the weight of
every piece sold, and it may be interesting to note
that the prices ranged from 4^. ^d. to 6j-. 6^. per
ounce. The names of the purchasers are also given.
Among them were Sir John Trevelyan, Margaret
Luttrell's grandfather, George Trevelyan, her uncle,
Mrs. Dyke, her mother, St. Albyn, her agent, and
Alexander the goldsmith at Taunton. The yearly
value of the Luttrell estate at this period was about
6,300/. though the actual rental was only about
2,150/. most of the farms and other tenements being
let on lease for lives.
Margaret Luttrell spent several years under the
roof of her step-father, Edward Dyke, a very mode-
rate sum being allowed for her maintenance and
education, which included music lessons. It was
from his house at Tetton that she was married to her
second cousin, Henry Fownes of Nethway in the
parish of Brixham, in South Devon. The ceremony
took place at Kingston Church on the 1 6th of Febru-
ary 1747, when she was just twenty-one years of
age, and so free from the control of guardians, lawyers
and the like. The union proved exceptionally happy,
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 227
and her letters to her husband, when parted from
him, are conceived in a spirit of the sincerest affect-
ion. At times, she acted as his amanuensis. Her
health, however, was not good, and she died on the
13th of August 1766, after having given birth to
ten children. She was of course buried among her
ancestors in the vault at Dunster. There are four
portraits of her at the Castle. In the first she is
represented as a small child in white muslin, with
bare feet, offering cherries to a bird, in the middle
of a large canvas. Richard Phelps of Porlock, an
indifferent artist, afterwards painted a three-quarter
length portrait of her in grey and blue satin with a
string of pearls round her neck. A third painting
shows her in a grey cloak trimmed with lace, and
lace round her head. The fourth, which is the most
pleasing, gives only the head and neck with an open
lace collar. There is a fifth portrait of Margaret
Luttrell at Bathealton Court, painted some time after
her marriage.
Henry Fownes, the husband of Margaret Luttrell,
and through her the owner of Dunster, was the eldest
son of John Fownes of Kittery Court, in Kingswear,
by Anne, his second wife, daughter of Samuel Mad-
dock of Tamerton Foliott, a descendant of the
Mohuns of Boconnoc and consequently of the early
lords of Dunster. He was born about 1723 and he
matriculated at Queen's College, Oxford, in 1741.
In pursuance of a clause in the will of his father-in-
law, he took the additional surname of Luttrell soon
after his marriage. Another stipulation in that will
compelled him under a penalty to spend at least six
months of every year at Dunster Castle. One of his
first cares was to have a seal of Brazilian pebble
228 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
engraved with the arms of Luttrell quartered with
those of Fownes. He also bought jewellery for his
bride, " a pair of three dropt brilliant earrings "
costing 330/., " a gold etwee with a brilliant diamond
to the spring " costing 35/., and " five brilliant stars
and a drop " costing 412/. " A gold repeating
watch " costing 60/. was also probably destined for
her, for Cooper the jeweller at the same time supplied
him with " a woman's gold watch-chain and five swi-
vells " costing 8/. 4.S.
Turning to more serious matters, Henry Fownes
Luttrell set himself to put his wife's affairs on a more
satisfactory footing than that in which he had found
them. With this object, he revived the suit in
Chancery and obtained the sanction of the Court for
the sale of the outlying manors of Heathfield and
Kilton. No sufiicient offer was, however, forth-
coming. After this, he made several vain attempts
to sell the manor of Minehead at his own price,
which avowedly included a considerable sum for a
seat, or perhaps two seats, in Parliament. He was
more successful in paying ofi^ mortgages on the estate
with money of his own. Furthermore, by avoiding
all unnecessary display and keeping a watchful eye
on expenditure, he was enabled to make many and
great improvements, for the benefit of himself and
his successors.
Various pieces of property in and near Dunster
came into the market in his time, and he was gener-
ally ready to buy them on reasonable terms. Thus,
in 1760, he acquired from John Poyntz, the last male
representative of an old Roman Catholic family, the
reputed manor of Foremarsh in the parishes of Dunster
and Carhampton, comprising houses under the shadow
of the Castle and fields intermixed with his own. In
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 229
1777, he bought the manor of Staunton Fry for 5,500/.
thereby considerably increasing his ' interest ' in the
parHamentary borough of Minehead. He also bought
up various tenements in the tov^n of Dunster and
extinguished the rights of most of the commoners on
the Marsh.
A country squire fond of horses, hounds and fight-
ing cocks, Henry Fownes Luttrell was also a man of
considerable taste. The structural alterations that he
made at Dunster Castle v^ill be described in a future
chapter, but it is necessary to mention here that the
surrounding domain ov^es much of its present beauty
to him. By abolishing unsightly hedges and by
planting trees judiciously, he may fairly be said to
have transformed the face of the land on the east and
south sides of the town. The present deer-park was
created by him. On Conigar Hill to the north of
the main street of Dunster, he, in 1775, built a lofty
circular tower, which, although hollow and unprovided
with a staircase, is useful as a landmark to sailors in
the Bristol Channel. Some artificial ruins erected on
the same hill cannot of course be commended, but
they are now practically concealed by the trees around
them.
Henry Fownes Luttrell used to spend part of most
years at his old home in Devonshire. There he kept
a small pack sometimes described as ' the merry Har-
riers. ' In the only portrait of him at Dunster Castle,
he is represented in a short light periwig and a drab
hunting coat, with a whip in his hand and a dog by
his side. A smaller portrait of him hangs at Bathealton
Court.
There are at Dunster Castle a number of books,
letters and papers relating to the borough of Minehead,
which are of some interest as illustrating the manner
230 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
in which Parliamentary elections were conducted in
the eighteenth century. One fact worthy of remark is
that the different contests at Minehead were waged
on personal and local issues, with little regard to
wider questions of national policy. In the whole cor-
respondence about elections, there is no mention of
Whig or Tory, and there are very few allusions to
the leaders of the rival factions at Westminster.
After the death of Alexander Luttrell in 1737, Sir
William Codrington and Thomas Carew of Crow-
combe seem to have been successively returned to the
House of Commons in the interest of Dunster Castle.
The other seat was occupied successively by Francis
Whitworth of Leyborne, in Kent, who had property
at Blackford near Minehead, and John Periam, a
Somersetshire squire of comparatively small estate.
The franchise was vested in those parishioners of
Minehead and Dunster who were ' pot-boilers, ' or
resident householders, in the borough of Minehead,
which consisted of the three tithings of Minehead,
Alcombe and Staunton, the receipt of alms of any sort
being almost the only disqualification. Carew and
Periam were the two representatives of the borough
at the time of the marriage of Margaret Luttrell, the
heiress of Dunster.
On the 19th of March 1747, Charles Whitworth,
son of the late Member, wrote to Henry Fownes
Luttrell from St. James's Place in London, as fol-
lows : —
" From the acquaintance I had the pleasure of having
with you in the West, I take the liberty to congratulate you
upon your nuptials, and at the same time to felicitate you as
Lord of Dunster, which as it undoubtedly gives you a
Natural Interest in the borough of Minehead, I thought it
due to the civility that subsisted between the two families to
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 231
make this ofFer to be upon the same footing with you as my
father was with the late Mr. Luttrel, and since his decease
with that family's interest.
" The situation of Minehead induces the inhabitants therof
to make choice of their Members the one upon the Natural
Interest and the other upon that which may be serviceable
to them. It was upon this footing they approved of Mr.
Luttrel and my father, and since my father's death both by
publick and private benefits I flatter myself I have maintained
that interest as entirely as he enjoyed it, with a view to offer
myself the first opportunity. These, I believe you are sen-
sible, are the only two material interests in that town, though
in every place there is a floating squadron.
" As 1 am determined to stand [at] the General Election
at all hazards, I think it will be for both our interests to
unite together, which I dare say will be to the entire satis-
faction of the constituents.
" You know the footing the two present representatives
came in upon, the one entirely by the Castle interest, and if
you propose to stand yourself, it cannot be thought that the
same interest will prevail for two ; whereas if you do not
choose to come in this Parliament, I am equally willing to
join whoever you give your interest to. The other repre-
sentative came in upon my father's death, without any
opposition, myself not being of age, and [I] make no doubt
but that having kept up my father's interest ever since his
death will sufficiently secure myself for one of their repre-
sentatives the ensuing Parliament. "
To this overture Luttrell replied tardily and very
curtly : —
" I am sorry I cannot by any means comply whith your
request in relation to our junction at Minehead, by reason
I conceive too good an opinion at present of the constituents
there to think they will reduce the Castle interest to so low
an ebb as not to have the choice of one member at the
ensuing election.
He added that he considered the proposal prema-
ture and that he was prepared to " risque the expence
232 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
of a neutrality. " Believing himself able to command
one seat, he does not seem to have cared w^ho secured
the other.
On the 26th of April, John St. Albyn, the agent
for the Luttrell estate, w^rote to enquire whether its
new owner intended to stand for Parliament. At a
recent visit to Minehead, he had been told that Whit-
worth would " risque his whole fortune " and that
" the new candidate " was determined to get every
thing that money could procure. This was Percy
Wyndham O'Brien, the member for Taunton, brother
of that active politician, Sir Charles Wyndham of
Orchard. Luttrell, it should be explained, was at the
time living far away, at Nethway in Devonshire.
On the 1 6th of May, St. Albyn wrote again rather
discouragingly : —
" The common fellows (who make full two thirds of the
voters) are at present gapeing very wide for money. . . Nothing
but money and a great deal of it, and gold too, will satisfy
them... The sentiments of the better sort are much divided,
some being for Whitworth, others for Carew... Some even
of those which I thought your very good friends are very
strenuous for the new candidate, Mr. O'Bryan. If this
affair goes on, as in appearance it will, it's thought there will
be a very troublesome and expensive election. "
" By the best accounts I can get, there are very near 300
electors in Minehead, and I have had the curiosity, since
I received your letter, to examine the rent-roll and see how
many of that number are your tenants, and I cannot pick
out 90 of them that hold anything under you, and perhaps
of that 90, 20 at least may be of the opposite party, or liable
to their influence or corruption ; so that, as lord of the
manor, you do not appear to be sure of more than about
one quarter part of the votes, and it may happen too that of
even one quarter of them some will fail you. Besides, I'm
informed that if you put your application for the choice but
even of one single member on the footing of hereditary right,
it will never go down with them. "
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 233
He considered that " some expence " would cer-
tainly be necessary to secure the election of the lord
of the manor. In putting the number of tenants at
so low a figure, it is clear that he excepted all those
householders, who, having leases or copyholds for
lives, were practically independent.
Eight days later, Luttrell wrote privately to several
of the chief inhabitants of Minehead, placing himself
in their hands : —
" As I am likewise informed that the majority of the
constituents cry aloud for gold, it is doubtful whether I shall
have an opportunity of confirming by action what I have
promised by letter. However, my anxiety for being a
representative is not so very great as even now to make
me determine either to offer myself or support a friend at
the ensuing election, but only ask the free voice of the
constituents for one or the other, clear of all expence to
myself On these conditions if you think the borough will
be unanimous, the greater will be my obligations toward
you. I too plainly see the rock my father Luttrell foun-
dered upon to run myself headlong into the same danger. "
If he stood at all, it would be " entirely on the
Castle interest.
A very lengthy and guarded reply written by Wil-
liam Hayman of Minehead on the ist of June 1747
has been preserved. According to him, there was a
general feeling in the town that one of the two
members should be " a Courtier." ^ Whitworth and
O'Brien had " under the name of Courtiers " forced
themselves into the borough, without consulting the
lord of the manor, who had " a Natural Interest "
there. Inasmuch, however, as most of the electors
were " persons of no property, " who had " formerly
received money " and were " in expectation of the
' A ' Courtier ' was perhaps a supporter of the Pelham administnation.
e
234 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
same gratification, " he was of opinion that nobody
whatever could be elected without expense.
" Yesterday was sennight, one Husk, an old servant of
the late Mr. Whitworth's, set out of London post and came
here Monday night, and says he was sent down by Mr.
Whitworth, who was ordered by Mr. Pelham to sound the
strength of his friends at Minehead, it having been reported
that Mr. Obrien's interest was vastly superior. His busi-
ness, Tuesday, was to walk the town with their chief friends,
to know the intentions of the people, and, I am told, for 1
was most part of that week abroad, that he met with great
encouragement.
" In the afternoon it happened that Mr. Leigh, agent for
Mr. Obrien, came to town, and while the others were at
the Key, firing gunns and displaying colours, got a great
number of friends with himself at the Feathers^ where he
elegantly treated them, and when the others returned from
the Key and were crying up their friend Whitworth, they
came out of the inn and cryed their friend Obrien, and by
throwing up their hatts happened to hit one of the other
party in the face, which caused a fray that might have set
the town by the ears, for while the better sort of people
were fighting, the mobb, happening to be pretty sober,
remained quiet and it was soon quelled, for the Collector
was engaged with Jonas, Dr. Godwin with Mr. Devonsheir,
Mr. Price with Mr. Payne, and various others ; so that what
the end of this warm opposition may come to before the
election is over will be hard to say, both parties being now
warmed with resentment. "
On the 6th of June, Thomas Carew wrote from
Lincoln's Inn Fields to say Parliament would be
dissolved within a fortnight and to ascertain Luttrell's
intentions with regard to Minehead : —
" As I was first set up to preserve the interest of Dunster
Castle in that borough, I can't in honour enter into any
engagements that may tend to oppose it, but am desirous to
do all in my power to deliver it back to the lord of the
borough in case he thinks proper [to] offer himself as a
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 235
candidate, but in case he shall decline, I please my[self]
with the hopes of not beinga disagreable person to represent
it again. "
Luttrell wrote from Nethway in reply that, on his
marriage he had thought himself " justly entitled to
the Natural Interest " in the borough and likely to
be returned " with little or no expense, " but that "a
contrary interest " had since prevailed.
" I am sorry I cannot by any means comply with your
request in strengthening your interest at Minehead, but the
civilities I have received from my friend Mr. Periam and
the many solicitations from other gentlemen in his favour
lays (sic) me under an obligation to serve him to the utmost
of my power. "
Nevertheless he expressed a hope that Carew would
be chosen for Westminster instead.
Two days later, he issued a letter to the electors of
Minehead on behalf of Periam. It is worthy of
remark that, although he did not suggest to them
how they should bestow their second vote, he wrote
at the same time to Sir Charles Wyndham recom-
mending " a junction " of his brother O'Brien with
Periam against Whitworth. Sir Charles replied from
Taunton on the 19th of June : —
" I cannot help wishing you had been so good as to have
agreed to what I proposed by Mr. Haslam last Christmas,
when by a junction all manner of opposition might have
been prevented. I never did propose to thwart the interest
of your family, nor do I think of it now ; but as my brother
has hitherto stood upon a single interest and is advised to
continue to do so, he cannot take any engagements till he
has conversed with the electors of the borough. "
On the 1 6th of June, Periam issued a very brief
address to the electors, not containing the slightest
reference to political or even to local questions, and
on the 23rd, he went to Blue Anchor, within a few
236 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
miles of Minehead, in order to meet some of his
principal supporters before entering the borough with
them. The result of the interview, however, was that
he withdrew his candidature in favour of his late
colleague, Carew. Two days later, there was a con-
ference at Somerton between Sir Thomas Acland,
Henry Fownes Luttrell, John Periam and Thomas
Carew, which resulted in the retirement of the last
named. Luttrell was to give a dinner at Dunster
Castle on the following day, and in the afternoon he
was to accompany Periam to Minehead, to make a
public demonstration on his behalf. A few hours
later, Periam changed his mind once more, on hearing
that some of his partisans had, since his visit to Blue
Anchor, transferred their promises to Whitworth.
Luttrell's absence from Dunster throughout the
critical period, and Periam's vacillation within a few
days of the election, led to an eclipse of " the Castle
interest " in the borough of Minehead, and, on the
30th of June, Whitworth and O'Brien were returned
to Parliament without opposition.
The general election of 1754 was hardly more
favourable to the lord of Dunster.
Preparations began in the later part of February,
when Henry Fownes Luttrell was asked to support
the candidature of a total stranger, Henry Shiffner, a
wealthy Russia merchant. The request came at a
very inconvenient time, and on the 8th of May, he
wrote from Nethway : —
" Affairs are so circumstanced at Minehead (as I am about
disposing of the manor) that it is impossible for me to give
you an absolute promise of my interest there until such time
as I see whether I am like to dispose of it or not. However,
you will find, on an interview with Mr. Cholwick, that I
have given my word not to propose any other person (besides
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 237
a purchaser or his friend), relying entirely on what he writ
me that you would not only declare yourself upon the
Country Interest, but join neither of the present members. "
There was at the time some idea that ShifFner
himself would buy the manor. Two other candidates
were already in the field, the sitting member Whit-
worth, and a certain Daniel Boone. Percy O'Brien
was courting the electors of Cockermouth, and his
brother Charles, who had succeeded to the Earldom
of Egremont in 1750, was exerting all his influence
in favour of Boone. On the 6th of March, James
Gould wrote, apparently from Holnicote : —
" My Lord says he'll spend ten thousand pounds, and
Whitworth says he'll sell his estate in this part of the world
to supply his friends if they'll stand by him this once.
He writes prodigiously in favour of Mr. Shiffner, and, I
believe, would be glad to join him. W. Leigh offered 6
guineas and a crown yesterday morning, but not a [sou]l
would touch pot or penny. Nothing but guns and bells all
day long. "
" My Lord's friends have acted so very imprudently of
late that the mob is quite inflamed, and a vast many of the
better most people have deserted his interest. "
Lord Egremont certainly did not scruple to ask his
neighbour Sir John Trevelyan to use his influence
with a certain Mrs. Prowse, whom he describes as
his " greatest enemy " at Minehead, or to write direct
to Luttrell soliciting his interest for Boone against a
candidate " entirely unknown " in the county of
Somerset.
Luttrell was to some extent hampered by the fact
that he was High Sheriff for the year, but on the 19th
of March he issued the following letter from Dunster
Castle " to the electors of the borough of Minehead " : —
238 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
" Gentlemen,
As the station I am in this year renders it a little improper
for me to make a personal application to you, I am obliged
to take this method, not only to repeat my recommendation
of Mr. Shiffner to your choice, but to intreat your votes and
interest for him at the ensuing election; and that 1 may be
the better enabled to distinguish who are my real friends in
the borough of Minehead, must beg the favour that each of
you (in Mr. Shiffner's interest) will sign your approbation
of him; which in doing you will infinitely oblige both him,
and, Gentlemen, your most assured friend and humble
servant, H. Fownes Luttrell. "
The document bears the names of i 8 i electors, of
whom 64 were avowedly illiterate, while the majority
were by no means skilled penmen. With 1 8 i votes,
Shiffner would have been certain of one of the seats.
On the 30th of March, John Marsh, the family
lawyer in London, wrote to Luttrell ; —
" 1 am glad to find that there is an opposition at Minehead
and that you find your interest so much greater then you
imagined. It will certainly be beneficiall in disposing of the
burrough. "
When ShifFner came down to Somerset, he was
met at Blue Anchor, on the 4th of April by " a
greater concourse of people than ever was known. "
Something, however, occurred to arouse " the resent-
ment of the voters, " and, by the i 3th, he had become
apprehensive of a coalition between Whitworth and
Boone.
" As it becomes us therefore to be extremely watchful, so
I think no opportunity of keeping up the spirit of Liberty
which at present prevails, ought to be neglected. "
He suggested that the Dunster men should be
invited to breakfast on the day of the poll, and that
influence should be brought to bear on the country
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 239
voters. The result of the poll, w^hich lasted four
days was —
Whitv^^orth, 283.
Boone, 178.
ShifFner, 145.
On the 2nd of May, the defeated candidate wrote
from London : —
" I hear Lord Egremont Is greatly disconcerted and very
angry at the struggle he met with. I wish it could be learnt
what expence he was at. I imagine it must have been very
considerable. Tho' I did not give a shilling to buy votes,
and was only at the expence of treating, &c. 1,200/. does
not clear my expences. "
For some weeks, he could hardly contain his rage,
and his letters abound with allusions to "the indignity
of the late election, " " perjury and prostitution of
conscience, " " arbitrary injustice, " " infringements
on the liberty of the publick," "brethren of iniquity,"
" sycophants, " " half-paced and slack-mettled vil-
lains. " In one of them dated the 4th of May, he
describes the manner in which he bearded the Prime
Minister : —
" Yesterday morning I went to the Duke of Newcastle.
I told him that it gave me great concern to find myself and
friends were thought and declared to be Jacobites by him.
He staggered a little at the expression. I then told him
that, on the nth of April, an express came to Mr. Whit-
worth at Minehead with a letter from his Grace directing
and insisting upon it that Mr. Whitworth should use his
interest in Mr. Boon's favour by joining him, ^c. for that
the person who opposed him and the people that supported
him were Enemies to the Government. I expatiated on the
cruelty of such an insinuation. The Duke seemed to vawe
(waive) the affair as if such letter had not been wrote. On
which I told him that the letter with the above mentioned
expression was signed by his Grace's own hand, was seen
240 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
by some of my friends [and] was owned to be so by
Mr. Whitworth himself Then it was ' My dear Sir, I did
not know you personally, but your character can never bear
such an imputation. ' At parting, I told him I had been
vilely treated, but that I was resolved to apply for justice
where I hoped to have more chance of meeting with it; and
so we parted.
" Tho' the Duke is a great man, and I am but a private
man, I think such slurrs should not go unnoticed. In the
Levee Chamber were Lord Powis, Lord Warwick, Lord
Peterborough, Mr. Morris of Wales, Councellor Martin
(member for Camelford, Cornwall), Bishop of Clonfert in
Ireland (who is Carmicheal, brother to Lord Hyndford and
to whom I am intimately known), and several others. I
made my errand the subject of conversation among them
before I went in to the Duke, and I shall pursue it further
by waiting on the next principal man, as the Speaker of the
House of Commons, ^c. to urge the injury of thus playing
with a man's character to serve a ministerial purpose. "
Shiffner asserted that he had four precedents of
elections having been declared void on proof that let-
ters had been sent by persons in powder to disparage
the character of a candidate. To say that a politician
was ' an Enemy to the Government ' was, in his
opinion, equivalent to stigmatizing him as a Jacobite.
A short correspondence between Shiffner and Henry
Fox ended in a declaration by the Secretary at War: —
" I frankly own my wishes that justice may be on the side
of Mr. Boon and Lord Egremont. "
On hearing of this rebuff, Luttrell observed: —
" What you writ in relation to Mr. Fox greatly pleased
me and, if possible, gives me a much better opinion of you
than I ever had, as I always hold those most in esteem that
appear the most contemptible in the eyes of such a miscreant
set of wretches. If I did not flatter myself with the hopes
of your meeting with more justice from others than you will
receive from Mr. Fox, I should despair of success in your
undertaking. "
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 241
On the advice of Pratt, afterwards Lord Chancel-
lor, it was resolved to petition the House of Commons
against Boone, and also to proceed at common law
against some of his agents in Somerset, especially
William Leigh, Lord Egremont's steward. The
petition when eventually presented, on the 26th of
November, only called in question the impartiality of
the returning officers and Boone's pecuniary qualifi-
cation for a seat in Parliament. Shiffner's main
grievance was that some forty Dunster men had not
been allowed to record votes which, if admitted, would
have turned the scale in his favour. The affidavits
filed in the criminal suit describe a man who had
come from Sussex under a false name as sitting at a
table covered with gold, in an upper room at the
Plume of Feathers' Inn^ and dispensing five guineas
apiece to the poorer voters, nominally by way of loan.
Considering that Boone had less than 600/. a year, on
his own showing, it seems clear that his expenses,
legitimate or otherwise, must have been defrayed by
Lord Egremont. Finding it difficult to refute the
charges brought against them, Boone's agents retaliat-
ed by counter-charges of bribery and corruption against
ShifTher, which he proposed to meet by an indictment
for subornation of perjury. There was long litigation
at Westminster Hall, at Bridgewater and at Taunton,
but after a year the different suits were abandoned,
to the great relief of the people of Minehead. The
petition seems also to have been withdrawn.
Henry Fownes Luttrell was at first hardly less
angry than his protege at the result of the election
of 1754, and devised some vindictive measures. After
a while, however, he came to realize that conciliation
was a better policy. In January 1757, he distributed
half a bushel of wheat apiece to 202 "voters of the
f
242 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
borough of Minehead, " impartially including many
who had supported Boone against ShifFner, some
whose votes had been disallowed, and some new voters.
He also gave occasional venison feasts to the principal
inhabitants.
In November 1757, a private agreement appears to
have been made between him and Lord Egremont to
the effect that, at the next general election, they should
choose only one candidate apiece and that they should
combine against any third candidate who might offer
himself. At the election of 1761, Lord Egremont
brought forward his brother Percy, the former Mem-
ber for Minehead, who had been created a peer of
Ireland, under the title of Earl of Thomond, and
who wanted a seat because the borough of Cocker-
mouth had been bought by Sir John Lowther.
Boone, broken in health, disappeared from the scene,
and Whitworth did not stand. The polling was
accomplished in one day, and on the 28th of March
the result was declared as follows : —
Henry Shiffner, 287.
Lord Thomond, 226.
Lord Clanbrasill, 69.
Out of the 291 electors who recorded their votes,
only four failed to give one to Shiffner. This success,
however, was not attained without eventual expense
to him or his patron. There is in Luttrell's hand-
writing a very significant " List of voters at Mine-
head that refused taking the 3 guineas, 1761," the
number of electors who disdained such a reward being
exactly thirty. Their names are repeated in a " List
of voters in Minehead asked to dine at Dunster Castle,
8 September 1763, having not taken the 3 guineas
after the election, " and they were invited again in
August 1764.
cH.vii. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 243
The connexion between Luttrell and Shiffner had
by this time ripened into a warm friendship, and the
new Member of ParHament wrote frequently to the
squire of Dunster. One of his letters dated 1 1 De-
cember 1762 is of more than local and personal
interest. In this he says : —
" Thursday was the day for taking the Preliminaries into
consideration, when places were taken at 7 o'clock in the
morning in the House, where assembled about 430 Mem-
bers, and the debate began about 3 o'clock. It is impossible to
enter into the whole particulars of it, which lasted till 1 2 o'clock
at night, when upon a division the numbers stood thus : —
319 for the approval of the Peace ;
6^ against the approval of it.
Several Members went away before the division.
" Mr. Pitt, very gouty, attended with a crutch, and was
indulged to stand and sitt down alternatively, and indeed I
think in his circumstances of health he required that in-
dulgence, as his speech lasted three hours and twenty-six
minutes^ the most laboured and the worst speech I ever
heard him make. In short, it seemed to be an apology for
his inflexibility in not agreeing to a Peace last year, arraign-
ing the present Peace article by article, and was couched in
terms and expressed as if meant to lay a foundation for
popular insurrection. In short,he fairly fatigued the attention
of the whole House, and went out as soon as he had finisht
his speech. He was answered by Mr. Charles Townsend
verbatim in twenty-five minutes, and, in my opinion,
confuted in every argument which he had given us by
repetition upon repetition. After this there appeared so
great an inattention in the House from the tiresomeness
which a speech of 3 hours and 26 minutes had occasioned,
that tho' several spoke pro and con^ yet no sort of attention
appeared to be given to it. "
" When Mr. Pitt came into the House, the people in the
Lobby made such a hollow as, I own, startled me and I
believe almost every Member of the House, and the same
was repeated when he withdrew. " '
' Of. Jesse's Life and reign of George the Third, vol. i. pp. 157-159.
244 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
" Yesterday, the Report of the Address which had the
preceding day been determined upon to the King was made,
when unexpectedly the debate revived, and tho' I thought
to have been at home at 4 o'clock to dinner, I did not
accomplish my intention till ^ past eleven at night, when
we had another division : —
227 agreeing to the Address ;
63 dissenting from it. "
"The Opposition consisted of the friends of the Duke of
Newcastle, the Duke of Devonshire, the Duke of Grafton,
and Mr. Pitt, and Lord Hardwick, and the main stress of
their argument seemed to be so contrived as to raise in the
people an apprehension of the Prerogative being extended
contrary to Revolution principles, a most dangerous poison
for vulgar minds and artfully contrived as well as artfully
applied in order to raise popular tumult against the Govern-
ment, with hopes of displacing the present Administration
and replacing themselves.
They.... wish to revive the odious distinction of Tory and
Whig which, thank God, seems sunk in oblivion. "
Shiffner kept his friends at Dunster Castle supplied
not only with parliamentary news but also with his
signatures enabling their letters to go free through
the post. On one occasion alone, he sent down
" eight dozen of half-sheet covers and sixteen dozen
of quarter-sheet covers, " with a promise of more
when required.
During the Parliament of 1761, the Luttrell inter-
est in the borough of Minehead was kept alive by
venison feasts, suppers at the local inns, doles and the
like. Preparations for another election began as early as
September 1766. In that month there are lists of
about sixteen " gentlemen of the Bowling Green Club
who had half a buck sent 'em and Sir Jacob's bowl
of punch " and about twenty " other gentlemen who
are not of the above club and for whom half a buck
is sent to be dressed at the Plume of Feathers with Sir
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 245
Jacob's bowl of punch. " In November, Dr. Richard
Brocklesby, an eminent physician practising in Lon-
don, conceived the idea of emancipating the borough
in which he had been born from the sway of the
neighbouring magnates, and obtaining for it at least
one representative of acknowledged reputation. By
his advice, apparently, some of the principal inhabit-
ants of Minehead resolved to approach the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, Charles Townshend. Lord Tho-
mond at once took alarm and tried to effect an alliance
with the lord of Dunster against the common foe.
When the news reached Luttrell, he wrote as follows
to Leonard Herring, vicar of Minehead : —
" The late severe loss 1 have sustained has made home
become very dull and insipid to me, and therefore I have
some thoughts of changing the scene and going into Parlia-
ment. If 1 persevere in my present intentions, I shall of
course offer myself for Minehead at the ensuing election,
and, if I succeed, 1 hope to have it more in my power to
serve the publick and my friends. I purpose to communi-
cate this intended scheme of mine soon to Mr. Shiffner,
that he may look out for some other borough in case I
should carry it into execution.
"I must also inform you that I have received undoubted
intelligence that Lord Thomond intends to offer himself or
his friend at the next election and is moreover determined
to support the Egremont interest. If this should be the case,
and Mr. Townsend is promised one vote certain, whether
he is in power or not, what is to become of me or my
friend .''
" I am totally cut off from any junction with either by the
promises I have made and which I have to adhere to what-
ever the consequence may be. I only intend to ask for
one vote, either for myself or my friend, and I think I have
as much right to expect a certainty of it as Mr. Charles
Townsend or any other person. If the gentlemen of Mine-
head are determined to engage themselves to this great man,
I submit it to their consideration whether they should not
246 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
do it conditionally if he is in power at the next election; for
otherwise, should he be stripped of his employments before
that time, their promises will continue to the man and not
to the Minister. "
On the 14th of December, ShifFner wrote : —
I am very sensible of the state of the borough, and do
expect at the general election several fresh candidates, a
greater number than, I believe, have for many years offered
themselves at the borough of Minehead. The sharper the
contest, the more glorious will be the victory. Lord Tho-
mond intends to push a friend, who I know not. Whit-
worth says he shall meet me there with somebody he intends
to recommend. "
The next move was a circular letter from Charles
Whitworth, the former Member, dated 29 January
1767, announcing that if two hundred electors would
sign a paper promising their votes to him and his
friend, "an eminent merchant in the City of London,"
they would establish " proper annual schooling for
the education of poor voters' children " and encourage
other plans for the benefit of the town. The eminent
merchant, unnamed, was doubtless to provide the
necessary money. On the ist of February, John
Short wrote from Minehead to Henry Fownes Luttrell
at Nethway: —
"I have just time to tell you that Mr. Whitworth has
declared himself a candidate for this borough and that Dr.
Question have (jzV) received a letter from him referring him
to one which Mr. Warren has, wherein he promises to give
the poor fellows ten guineas a man, and that Stroude and
Powell have been amongst them. The bells have been
ringing this evening, I suppose upon that ocasion. "
In reply Luttrell declared that Whitworth's " bold
stroke" gave him "no manner of concern," adding: —
" His promise of ten guineas a man who will give him
both votes may be thought by some an alluring bait, but
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 247
when the generality of the town come seriously to consider
that places, as well as a little temporary cash, will be wanted,
I presume they will think of some other person to serve
them, who will be more capable of doing it than, I appre-
hend, is in Mr. Whitworth's or any merchant's power
to do. "
Shiffner also affected to be quite unconcerned,
suggesting that his supporters might get some enter-
tainment at Whitworth's expense.
On the 8th of March, the vicar wrote to Lut-
trell :—
" Last Friday, the subscription-book was opened by Robert
Fry, in order to engage 200 votes at ten guineas a man for
one vote, when 105 signed the paper, and have absolutely
engaged to stand by his friend let him be Hack or white.
They are adding to that number daily and as soon as the
subscription is full, the book is to be shut, and, I suppose,
he (Whitworth) will then go upon 'Change. Mr. Adams
has joined him, but I dont hear of any other gentleman.
This is pushing you and your friend confounded hard.
" As the affair now stands, your real friends would be
greatly obliged by you if you would let them know your
final resolutions, for they are almost ripe for rebellion and
are ready to fight him through all his weapons.
" The corn you have sold to the poor of this town is
looked upon as no favour, for they publickly declare they
will stand by that man that will give most. By what 1 can
learn, they are determined to run you extremely hard. "
On the 14th, Luttrell issued his address to the
election saying : —
" I offer myself unconnected with Mr. Shiffner and every
other person, and having no intentions of asking for any
place for myself, I think I can with the greater propriety
apply to Government on behalf of a friend. "
Various persons at Minehead had desired places as
excisemen, tide-waiters and the like. Just a week
later, the vicar wrote to Luttrell : —
248 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
" Your letter gave a very general satisfaction to the
principal people of the town, and we are all determined to
carry the election for you at all events. We canvassed the
borough for you yesterday, when we made a most noble
appearance, having almost every man in town of any conse-
quence to attend us, excepting some few that were ill. "
" We shall all make a point of carrying this election,
notwithstanding the strong opposition that is talked off;
and if you'll send down 200/. to be distributed as we see
necessary, I'll return you by the following post a fixed
majority, in defiance of all their efforts. 'Tis the opinion
of us all that something of this kind must be immediately
done. To save every expense in our power, we have entered
into an agreement never to have one public dinner, and if
you expect our company in the evening, we shall insist on
having nothing but a welch rabbit.
" I should be glad if Mr. Shiffner would drop all thoughts
of coming to Minehead and go with me into Cornwall,
where I am well assured he will meet with a most agreeable
reception. "
ShifFner, how^ever, was not to be so easily shaken off.
On the 24th of April he issued a printed notice to
the voters that he w^as " firmly determined " to " wait
on them at the next election, " and repeating " in the
most solemn manner the declaration he made, that
he has not any concert, connexion or correspondence
with Mr. Luttrell or any other candidate, directly or
indirectly." Twenty-nine of the principal inhabitants
of Minehead were invited to dine at Dunster Castle
on the 27th of April.
In the course of the next few months, the negoti-
ation with Charles Townshend was terminated by
his premature death, and Lord Thomond betook
himself to Winchelsea. On the other hand, a project
was formed of inviting the Duke of Grafton to
send down a purely ministerial candidate. The Duke
himself encouraged it openly, and some of the electors
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 249
who had promised one vote to Luttrell were willing
to sign the proposed memorial. Luttrell, however,
took umbrage at it, and, acting with unwonted
energy, went up to London to oppose the scheme at
head-quarters. The result of this move was that the
Government gave him the immediate patronage of all
offices at Minehead, presumably in consideration of a
promise of support in the next House of Commons.
On the 2nd of October, the vicar wrote to him : —
" ' Luttrell for ever ' is now the general cry to serve both
high and low. You never had a more favourable opport-
unity of putting in another member than at present, if you
can but compromise affairs with Mr. Shiffner, which, 1
imagine could easily be done thro' the Duke of Grafton. "
" A pleasing smile you may see in the faces of three parts
of the people in town, while the others have their chins down
to the fifth buttonhole. "
Five days later, he wrote again : —
" If you can but adjust this affair with Mr. Shiffner, your
friend must come in without opposition.
The grandiloquent Shiffner had clearly lost much
of his popularity, and in this contest he had not the
overt support of his friend at Dunster Castle.
Parliament was dissolved on the iith of March
1768, and a little after nine o'clock on the morning
of the 1 8th, proclamation was made at the cross, or
market-place, of Minehead. The precept and the
bribery oath were then read and three candidates
proposed. " Mr. Shiffner offered himselt as their
former Member; Mr. Whitworth offered himself;
Mr. Luttrell offered by Mr. Hayman. They then
adjourned to the polling room and began the poll
about ten. " As it was well known beforehand that
the great majority of the electors would give one vote
to Luttrell, the contest was practically left to the two
other candidates, each of whom alternately sent up
g
250 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
a ' tally, ' or batch, of ten supporters. For hours
therefore they appeared to be running neck and neck,
each, however, keeping the chief local magnates in
reserve till the end. Shiffner was the first to be
exhausted, and the poll was closed about four o'clock,
when the result was declared : —
Luttrell, 301.
Whitworth, 197.
Shiffner, 167.
Very few of the electors had divided their votes
between Whitworth and Shiffner, and still fewer had
tendered only one vote. The defeated candidate
again threatened a petition, but nothing came of it.
A minute account has been preserved of Luttrell's
expenses in connexion with this election, extending
over a year and a half, from April 1767 to October
1768, and amounting in all to 1,868/. 5J-. 9^. In the
first of these years the chief items were for wheat sold
to the poor at a reduction and over 300/. "gave to
the poor voters " in cash. In order to keep clear of
the acts against bribery, no promises of support had
been exacted from them in return for this voluntary
distribution. Altogether two hundred and eighty-seven
electors had pocketed a guinea apiece without scruple.
A separate list gives the names of fifty-five "gentlemen
who will not take money. " On the day of the
canvass at the beginning of March, ^^Ib. of gun-
powder had been consumed, and compensation was
eventually paid for windows broken by the firing of
the guns. A few days before the election, there had
been sports in a field behind a house on the quay.
Sailors in sacks had run for " a pair of handsome
trowsers, " and landmen in sacks had run for a hat.
Women had run for " a handsome pair of stays " and
" a handsome shift, " and girls " tied back to back "
cH.vii. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 251
had run for a pair of pumps that cost 3J-. The maids
from the Castle had of course been bedecked with
suitable ribbons. The customary fees paid on the
day of the election to the crier, to eight constables,
to as many chairmen, to two drummers, to a fiddler
and others, amounted in all to less than i 2/. A great
part of the account is occupied with expenditure on
beef, bread, cheese, ale, wine, rum and the like. It
is more interesting to observe that on the fourth day
after the election, Luttrell's permanent agent went to
Minehead Quay and there openly gave four guineas
to every sailor who had voted for his employer. In
the course of the next few weeks, a like amount was
given to different landmen, those who had not re-
ceived a guinea in the previous year, but who had duly
voted for Luttrell, receiving five guineas apiece. Al-
together, the "cash given the voters after the election"
by his agent amounted to close upon 1,000/. We
have no record of the sums given by Whitworth to
those of his supporters who had taken Luttrell's
guinea in 1767. Although Luttrell's agent somehow
got a list of the voters who had received money from
Shiffner, each candidate seems to have adhered hon-
ourably to his declaration that he had no connexion
with either of the others.
The election of 1768 was barely over before Lutt-
rell, flushed with success, began to prepare for another,
with the intention of securing both seats. On the
1 6th of April, Sir Thomas Acland wrote to him from
Holnicote, near Minehead : —
" I am persuaded that your weight and property in the
borough, properly managed, would with little trouble secure
to you the nomination of both members.
It would not be consistent with that candour which ought
to be observed, were I not to say that I ca'nt (as matters are at
252 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
present circumstanced) think of serving Mr. ShifFner, or of
opposing Mr. Whitworth, for whom I have some regard. "
On the same day, invitations like the follow^ing
were issued to some of the principal inhabitants of
Minehead : —
" Mr. Luttrell presents his compliments to Mr. Thomas
Brown, and having declared his intentions of offering his
friend as well as himself for Minehead at any future election,
he hopes Mr. Brown will support the nomination and give
Mr. Luttrell the pleasure of his company at Dunster Castle
next Thursday to dinner. "
One cautious elector, who could not accept the
invitation, replied that he would support Luttrell and
his friend " provided this friend, when known, shall
appear deserving of the choice and suffrage of a free
people. " The name of the " friend " was not, how-
ever, disclosed. Periodical dinners and " buck-feasts "
at the Plume of Feathers may have tended to maintain
the Castle interest, but, in the summer of 1773, there
were serious " differences " between the townsmen
of Minehead and their senior representative, apparently
on some local question.
During three days at the beginning of August 1774,
the borough of Minehead was systematically canvassed
on behalf of Henry Fownes Luttrell and his "friend, "
who was his eldest son, John Fownes Luttrell. Some
tew electors wished to reserve their second vote for
ShifFner, in the event of his coming forward again.
Shortly afterwards a legal opinion was obtained from
John Heath, K.C. : —
" The only statute prohibiting candidates from treating
electors is the 7th of King William the 3rd. This prohibit-
ion does not take place in the case of a General Election
untill the writts of election are ordered for the ensuing
election. But at Common Law I conceive that all enter-
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 253
tainments given with an avowed intent to procure votes at
an election are illegal.
" I think that you may still defray the expences at the
monthly clubb, entertain your tenants at holding your Man-
our Courts, pay the ringers, and reward the sailors who
have attended you, in the usual way untill the writts for the
ensuing election shall be ordered or issued ; and then such
entertainments and gratuities should cease.
" It is most prudent to avoid giving any extraordinary
entertainment, but no law prohibits you from entertaining
your friends at your house before the issuing or ordering
of the writts of election, tho' such friends should be voters,
or even afterwards, if it be not in great numbers, or in an
extraordinary way. "
On the 29th of August, Richard Cox of Minehead
wrote to say that Sir Charles Whitworth had announ-
ced his intention of coming to the town with a friend,
" a person of great fortune and of undeniable char-
acter, " in about a fortnight.
" The common people are in great spirits, as they are
made to believe that they shall have twenty guineas at least
a man. Andrew Boucher has got a paper headed so that
all those that chuse to support Whitworth's friend are to
sign their names so. I am told 170 has allready signed it. "
" It is the oppinion of all your friends that it will be
absolutely necessary for you to canvass the bourough before
Whitworth comes downe, and I do intirely agree with them
in opinion, although I do'nt tell them so. My dear Mr.
Luttrell, do'nt mind a little trouble. I am certain it will
save you many pounds. "
Trouble was just what Luttrell disliked. Many of
his letters begin with apologies for delay in writing.
In point of fact Whitworth was soon established by
the Government in a safe seat at East Looe. ^
On the 3rd of October, a certain Mr. Barnfather
came down to Minehead as a candidate. He was
' Historical MSS. Comm. x. Appendix vi. pp. 6, 7.
254 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
met at Alcombe Cross by some thirty of the inhabit-
ants and went into the town preceded by a drum.
A canvass that afternoon and the next day resuhed in
the promise of only forty-five votes, and so he took
his departure, after sending a civil letter to Dunster
Castle saying that he had been " greatly misled by
the intimations which he had received while in
London, " and that he would not put Mr. Luttrell
to any further trouble or unnecessary expense.
The final canvass for the two Luttrells was on the
4th and the Court Leet of Minehead was held on the
5th, when some of the jury subscribed 2s. bd. apiece,
so that there should not be the slightest appearance of
treating on the part of the lord of the manor, the writs
for the General Election having been issued. On the
5th and 7th there was " nothing doing in Minehead."
On the 8th, " Mr. Luttrell and Mr. J. Luttrell, with
Mr. Henry, Alexander and Francis Luttrell, Mr. Hayne
and Mr. Milward, set out from Dunster a little before 10,
and at Alcombe Cross met the colours, drums, and violins,
chamber gun men and a very great number of the principal
and other voters and others.
" All walked from thence into Minehead ; first colours,
drums and violins ; next the two constables with their staffs ;
next Mr. and Mr. J. Luttrell with their hats off; and all
others followed. Stopt some time at Mr. Cox's and all
went from thence in same manner to Market Place, where
the cryer proclaimed silence three times. Then Mr. Warren
read the precept and publication of it. Then Mr. Hayman
swore the two constables, and after Mr. Baston read the
Bribery Act. Then Mr. Luttrell offered himself; then
Mr. J. Luttrell offered himself, candidates. Then the con-
stables and candidates adjourned to the Market House for
polling. "
Ten electors and the two constables recorded a vote
apiece for each candidate. After a few more formal-
ities, Mr. Cox declared them duly elected. They
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 255
returned thanks, which were received with applause,
and were then carried to Mr. Cox's house in two
chairs.
" Then all dispersed and Mr. Luttrell ^c. came home to
dinner, not having spent a penny on either of his canvasses
or election or in any other way on the voters."
Was not Minehead a model constituency .? Was
there ever a more virtuous election-agent than George
Gale, who wrote as above ? Less than four months
later, the same George Gale was busily occupied in
distributing gold pieces among the electors of Mine-
head. There were three categories : — " Voters who
would not accept of the five guineas ; voters who
accepted of the 5 guineas ; voters who would have
been against Mr. Luttrell, so had nothing given
them. " There is a short summary in Luttrell's
own hand : —
"95 voters at 5 guineas each 498/. 155.
Colour-men, ^c. ^'c 29/. 8 j.
10 more to take 50 guineas
About 30 voters more who are to be allowed the five
guineas out of their rents. 150 guineas."
In the accounts 635/. 5/. are entered as " gratuities
given the poor voters." One hundred and eighteen
of "the common voters" were entertained at different
public houses on the 20th of October at a charge of
5J. a head. On the same day " the principal voters "
received " a treat " or " general feast " at the Plume
of Feathers Inn comprising both dinner and supper.
A fortnight after the election. Lord North, then
Prime Minister, wrote to Luttrell : —
" As there is nobody whom 1 can wish to see Member
for Minehead in preference to you, 1 cannot but rejoice at
the determination that you have taken of representing that
borough yourself. But as you seem in your letter [to
256 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
J. Robinson] to express some discontent at the conduct of
Administration with respect to the election, I beg leave to
state in a few words what my conduct has been in the
whole course of this transaction.
" From the time that you explained to me that the
borough was intirely in your hands, I have always disposed
of the offices there at your recommendation. That Sir
Charles Whitworth should not be tempted to give you any
trouble, I fixed him above half a year ago as a candidate for
Dover. As soon as I heard from you that he was making
some stir at Minehead, I wrote to him to desist. It was
from your own suggestion that 1 first thought of recom-
mending a candidate at Minehead, and it was upon your
objecting to Mr. Legge and appearing, as I thought, willing
to accept of my recommendation of another gentleman, that
I took the liberty of mentioning Governor Pownall to you.
" This, I solemnly declare, is all that I have done with
respect to Minehead, and I cannot conceive how you can
form, from any part of this conduct, an idea that I look upon
it as a Government borough. If you have changed your
opinion, and, instead of bringing in a gentleman at my
recommendation, as you seemed inclined to do when I last
heard from you, are now determined to represent Minehead
yourself, I do not complain of it, but if you take this step
from any jealousy of me, give me leave to tell you that
your jealousy is groundless and unreasonable."
It does not appear that Henry Fownes Luttrell
had any real zest for Parliamentary life. He was
probably far happier with his hounds and his fighting
cocks in Devon or Somerset than in London. Having
secured both seats at Minehead at the General
Election, he was confident that nobody could with-
stand his interest at a by-election for one seat, and
he was in a position to negotiate profitably with
Lord North or with that famous dealer in boroughs,
John Robinson. There is in his handwriting a
memorandum which, although undated, may almost
certainly be referred to the autumn of 1774: —
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 257
" Preliminaries to be settled previous to my ^c.
Five hundred pounds to be paid at all events. In case
the person is returned, 3 or 2500/. more to be paid within
one month after such return.
Not to ask for any place belonging to the town of Govern-
ment, unless by Mr.... desire.
Not to offer himself or his friend for the borough at the
next General Election, nor upon any vacancy that may
happen in the meanwhile, unless by Mr.... approbation.
The person to pay all his own and servants (.'') ^c. expenses."
Whether all these conditions v^ere accepted does
not appear, but it is certain that Henry Fownes
Luttrell resigned his seat within a few weeks of the
General Election, and that Thomas Pownall, a support-
er of the Ministry, was chosen to fill the place, on
the 31st of December 1774. The expenses of this
by-election amounted to less than 50/. Seventy-eight
of the elite of Minehead were invited to a ball in
October 1775. In Parliament, Pownall distinguished
himself by his independence of political parties, espe-
cially with regard to the American question.^
At the general election of 1780, Henry Fownes
Luttrell pursued the policy which had proved so
successful in 1774, and announced that his interest
would be exercised in favour of two candidates bear-
ing the name of Luttrell. The proceedings have been
minutely recorded by George Gale : —
" Monday, September 4th. The writ dated this day and
brought by the Sheriff's bailiff to Dunster Castle and staid
there all night.
Tuesday 5th. The writ delivered to Mr. Chappell, the
Constable, by the Sheriff's man at half past ten in the
morning and pubHshed immediately for election to come
on Saturday 9 September at eleven in morning. N.B. Mr.
Luttrell gave the Sheriff"'s officer loj. 6^. The colours and
music and guns at Alcomb Cross.
' Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xlvi. p. 264.
h
258 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
Wednesday 6th. Mr. J. F. Luttrell and Mr. F. F. Luttrell
offered themselves and began canvassing about eleven and
ended about half after six, attended by Mr. Luttrell,
Mr. Russell and son, Mr. Cuttiff, and a great number of
the gentry of the town. George Gale attended to take
minutes. Not one dyssenting voyce.
Thursday 6th. Mr. J. Luttrell and Mr. F. F. Luttrell,
attended by young Mr. Russell and Revd Mr. James
Camplin, and from Bratton by some of the town gentlemen,
canvassed the country, except the two Mynes and Green-
aleigh. Came back to dinner at the first sitting at the
Luttrell Arms Inn.
Friday 8th. At home all day, nothing doing.
Saturday 9th. A little after ten, Mr. Luttrell on horse-
back, Mr. J. Luttrell and Mr. F. F. Luttrell in the chaise,
Mr. Russell and son, Mr. Cuttiff, self and Mr. Crang, Mr.
Roberts and others of Dunster, set out on horseback and
were met by several of the Minehead gentlemen on horse-
back between Dunster and Elicombe Cross where Mr.
Cox took the constables foremost and all the horse follow-
ing two and two and then the chaise with the two candidates
followed close after and passing a concourse of people at
Alcomb Cross they halted immediately beyond while the
guns fired and three huzzas given, the colours iffc. being
ahead. Then proceeded first the colours and music and
after them the clubmen with their white staffs, then the
constables and after them all the horsemen two and two,
and then the chaise with the candidates, and proceeded to
town. The colours ^c. halting a little below, the horses were
taken away and the chaise came forward and the two candi-
dates came out at Mr. Cox's where all stopt and the guns
firing behind till the oaths i^c. were ingrossed. Then pro-
ceeded the colours drums and music, with the two constables
close after and the two candidates with hats off following,
and all the people after, on to the Market place, where a
table was placed and a chair to get on it. Then the two cons-
tables and Mr. Bastone read the Sheriffs precept and publi-
cation of it. (Bribery Act should have been read.) Then
two constables sworn and signed the aflidavit taken by Mr.
Hayman, Then Mr. Bastone read the Bribery Act, which
should have been read before the two constables were sworn.
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 259
Then constables asked voters who they proposed. The
answer was J. F. Luttrell and F. F. Luttrell, Esqrs. and
three huzzas, (but the two candidates should [have] offered.)
Then removed to polHng house. "
There William Hayman, who is described as
' esquire ' and nine others v\^hose names are prefixed
by ' Mr, ' recorded a vote apiece for the two candi-
dates.
"Then silence proclaimed and proclamation made and
asked by the constables if anyone chused to set up or vote
for any other person, or any other person offered as a candi-
date, to which " No " was answered, and then the constables
polled for the same gentlemen, and, silence being proclaimed
again, the constables said that on casting up the votes they
found the majority in favour of John Fownes Luttrell and
Francis Fownes Luttrell, Esquires, and therefore declared
them duly elected.
" Then Mr. John Fownes Luttrell addressed himself to
the people thanking them for the present as well as past
favours and hoped to continue to merit them. Then Mr.
Francis Fownes Luttrell addressed himself to them and
thanked them for the favour conferred on him and his pro-
ceedings in the trust will give them satisfaction so as to merit
it. Then three huzzas given.
" The two elected members were carried in two chairs to
Mr. Cox's and the populace following they were there again
thanked by the two elected members and by Mr. Luttrell,
and then they dispersed quietly, and not a farthing spent in
the canvass or election. "
Henry Fownes Luttrell died on the 30th October
1780, and was buried at Dunster. By Margaret his
wife he had issue altogether ten children : —
Alexander, born on the 31st of March 1749, baptiz-
ed at Dunster on the following day, and buried
there three months later.
John, his heir.
26o A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. vii.
Henry, born at Tetton on the 30th of July 1753.
He became a Lieutenant in the Royal Horse Guards
Blue, but died early. He was probably the sub-
ject of a portrait at Dunster Castle of a young man
in a blue coat with bars of gold lace and a white
silk waistcoat. He was buried at Dunster on the
4th of January 1777.
Alexander (2). ^
Francis. ^
Thomas, born at Dunster on the loth of February,
1763. Entering the army in 1782 as an Ensign
in the 89th Foot, he became a Lieutenant in the
49th Foot in the following year and Captain in
1787. From that year until 1800, he was Lieu-
tenant-Colonel of the Somersetshire Fencible In-
fantry. In October 1807, he married Catherine
daughter of John Cave Browne of Stretton-in-le-
fields in Derbyshire. ^ Dying on the 1 9th of January
181 1, he was buried eight days later in the Abbey
Church at Bath.
Margaret (Peggy), born at Dunster on Christmas Day
1747 and baptized there. When she was between
three and four years old, she was painted at full
length by Richard Phelps with a dog beside her. In
April 1769, she sat in London to an artist of a very
different calibre. Sir Joshua Reynolds's list of
sitters for that month records the name of 'Miss
Luttrell, ' and there is a note in his hand : —
" When Miss Luttrell is finished to write Mr. Lutt-
rell, Dunster Castle, Somersetshire." With this clear
evidence before them, biographers of Reynolds have
gone out of their way to describe the subject as the
daughter of an Irish peer and the sister of the
', », See Appendix. » Monthly Magazine, p. 141.
Si): .7. h'eijUKlds
MARGARET FOWNES Ll'l TRKLl,.
(MRS. SOCTHCOTK.)
CH. VII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 261
Duchess of Cumberland. ^ The original portrait
and a contemporary copy of it are alike at Dunster
Castle. One of them has hung there ever since it
was finished. The other belonged for some seventy
years to successive members of the Southcote
family, for on the 24th of April 1769, when the
picture was barely finished, Margaret Fownes
Luttrell was married, at St. Anne's Soho, to
John Henry Southcote, of Buckland Toutsaints,
and Stoke Fleming in Devonshire. There is a
portrait of him also at Dunster Castle, painted some
fifteen or twenty years later and attributed to Opie.
Mrs. Southcote died in 1792. Her husband sur-
vived until 1820. '
Anne, baptized at Dunster on the 4th of July 1750
and buried there on the i8th of August.
Anne (2), baptized at Dunster on the 30th of June 175 i
and buried there on the ist of August.
Anne (3), baptized at Dunster on the 4th of May 1758
and buried there on the 1 2th of August.
Margaret Fownes Luttrell, the heiress of Dunster,
having died in 1766, her husband remained a wid-
ower for some years. In 1 771, he married Frances
daughter of Samuel Bradley of Dunster, who claimed
descent from the Luttrells through her mother.
After his death, she resided at Taunton, but she was
buried at Dunster in November 1803.
' Leslie & Taylor's Life of Sir J. * Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xxxix.
Reynolds, vol. i. p. 347; Graves. p. 270.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Fownes Luttrells of Dunster
1780-1908.
John Fownes Luttrell, eldest son of Henry and
Margaret, was baptized at Dunster on the 24th of
June 1752. He matriculated at Queen's College,
Oxford, in 1770, but did not proceed to a degree.
As has been seen above, he was returned to Parliament
for the borough of Minehead in 1774, and again in
1780. On the death of his father in November of
the latter year, he succeeded to the family estates,
but some little time seems to have elapsed before he
rewarded with four guineas apiece those of the Mine-
head electors who had supported him at the poll. In an
" alphabetical list of voters, " there is a note by George
Gale — " those marked ' Gent. ' do not take money and are
invited to the annual treats." Among these ' gentlemen'
were the local surgeons, the captains of several ships,
a farmer, a butcher, a glazier, and a roper.
In the early part of 1783, Francis Fownes Luttrell,
thejunior member for Minehead, accepted the steward-
ship of the Chiltern Hundreds, and his brother brought
in Henry Beaufoy of Shropshire, without a word of
opposition. The exact terms of the agreement between
them are not recorded, but it may fairly be assumed
that the stranger was made to pay.
After the dissolution of Parliament in the following
CH. VIII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 263
year, John Fownes Luttrell and Henry Beaufoy were
re-elected for Minehead, but the latter, having been
returned also for Great Yarmouth, decided to serve
for the East Anglian borough. Charles Phipps of
Mulgrave Hall, in Yorkshire, was chosen in his stead,
but died in 1786 and was succeeded by Robert Wood
of Lyme Grove, in Surrey.
At the General Election of 1790, John Fownes
Luttrell was returned for Minehead, together with
George, Viscount Parker, who was appointed Con-
troller of the Household in the following year. Al-
though there had not been any contest, sixty-one of
the electors eventually received four guineas apiece.
When Lord Parker succeeded to the Earldom of
Macclesfield in 1795, Luttrell was unprovided with a
suitable candidate willing to purchase a fairly safe seat.
In order therefore to maintain the interest of Dunster
Castle in the borough, he put forward his own brother,
Thomas Fownes Luttrell, who was duly elected.
After a long period of tranquillity, the little borough
of Minehead was, in 1796, agitated by a severe elect-
oral contest, four candidates coming forward for the
two seats. On the one side were John Fownes
Luttrell of Dunster Castle and his brother Colonel
Thomas Fownes Luttrell; on the other John Langston
of Sarsden House in Oxfordshire, and Rear-Admiral
Charles Morice Pole. Whether there was any politi-
cal question at issue does not appear. The electors
were, however, exhorted by Langston and his friends
to free themselves from " tyrannic sway." The poll
was opened on Saturday the 28th of May and closed
on the evening of the 30th, when the Luttrells were
exhausted and their opponents in almost the same
condition. The result of the voting was not entirely
satisfactory to either side : —
264 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. viii.
J. Fownes Luttrell, 97,
J. Langston, 94,
T. Fownes Luttrell, 85,
C. M. Pole, 82.
John Fownes Luttrell and John Langston were ac-
cordingly returned to Westminster.
After the election was over, a list was made of no
less than eighty-two persons who had promised one
vote to John Fownes Luttrell, but who at the poll
recorded both their votes against him. Considering
that several of these ' turncoats ' were tenants who
had not for several years paid the rent due to him, it
is clear that his opponents must have offered them
some very substantial inducement to vote openly
against their landlord. Having got into Parliament,
Langston applied himself to strengthening his interest
at Minehead, by buying land and building houses
there. On the other hand, twenty-four of " the
principal inhabitants " met at the Plume of Feathers
in November, " to form some plan for recovering
and effectually securing Mr. Luttrell's interest " and
unanimously passed several resolutions. They recom-
mended, for instance, that Mr. Luttrell should repair
" the common houses " and erect temporary shambles
for the butchers. Their third resolution was : —
" That Mr. Luttrell be recommended to dispossess all
such persons of their houses, grounds, etc. as were inimical
to his interest at the last election. "
They, moreover, bound themselves to give a prefer-
ence in the employment of labourers to all such as
had supported Mr. Luttrell at the recent election.
A very circumstantial and withal fairly candid
account of the Minehead election in 1802, was laid
before Thomas Plumer, afterwards Master of the Rolls.
CH. VIII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 265
From this we learn that John Langston, one of the
sitting members, and James Woodbridge offered them-
selves as candidates on Easter Day, the i8th of April,
and that, tv\ro days later, John Fow^nes Luttrell began
a canvass on behalf of himself and " his friend " un-
specified. Entertainments were given by both parties.
" Mr. Luttrell, the proprietor of every inn in the borough,
opened them to the number of thirteen, in the usual manner
upon such occasions. Billets were made out by his agents
for a certain number of the voters in his interest to go to
each of the several inns, where suppers were very frequently
given, liquor was always ready to be distributed, and in short
the most unlimited treating took place. Mr. Langston's
and Mr. Woodbridge's voters were entertained as constantly,
in a room fitted up for the purpose out of a barn, and in
another room within the borough, and, except that Mr.
Luttrell's entertainments were the most liberal as to the food
and liquor provided, no distinction can be made between the
treating on either side. "
On the 1 6th of May, John Patteson came to stay
at Dunster Castle, and on the morrow his host in-
troduced him to the borough as the person whom he
intended to support. According to an arrangement
between them, Luttrell managed the campaign and
paid all the expenses. Treating continued until the
28th of June, when Luttrell and Patteson announced
that it must cease, because Parliament was about to be
dissolved. Their opponents, however, went on as
before. At this juncture, Mr. Lethbridge, " a gentle-
man of very large property and a particular friend of
Mr. Luttrell," appeared on the scene and said that
the public-houses must be kept open, he himself
undertaking to pay all consequent expenses. This, we
are told, he did " without the least view to remunera-
tion" and "from pure regard to Mr. Luttrell's interest."
Indeed, he was prepared to " state " that he had not
266 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. viii.
" the least prospect or expectation of repayment, "
although he had suffered no pecuniary loss through
lending his name for a similar purpose at the previous
election.
After the issue of the writ, Langston and Wood-
bridge became more liberal than before, while the
supporters of Luttrell and Patteson were restricted to
bread and cheese in a large room, the liquor at the
inns being supplied by Lethbridge, without authority
from them. At the last moment, two fresh candidates
were put up against the Castle interest, in view of the
possibility that the House of Commons might disallow
the return of any of the others. The poll for this little
borough was kept open no less than five days, the
result being declared on the 5th of July, as follows: —
Luttrell,
139.
Patteson,
139.
Langston,
108,
Woodbridge,
106,
Caslett,
13.
Walters,
13-
This election seems to have aroused a good deal of
ill feeling. On the one hand, Luttrell began proceed-
ings against some of his neighbours for libel ; on the
other hand, the defeated candidates presented a petition
against the return. Luttrell had " not the least
apprehension" that he could be unseated for bribery.
" Upon his canvass, he uniformly rejected to receive
the promise of any vote attended with any condition
whatever." With regard to treating, his position
was much weaker, and the returning officers, who
were virtually his nominees, had refused the aid of an
experienced assessor. In the case submitted to coun-
sel by his agents, there is an ingenuous confession : —
CH. VIII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 267
" How to state the conduct of the returning officers so as
to show that they did not act illegally, partially, and corruptly,
is felt from the nature of things to be very difficult. "
As the other side had equally valid reasons for shunning
a public enquiry, a compromise was eventually made,
Luttrell undertaking to stop his prosecutions, and
Langston and Woodbridge undertaking to drop their
petition. Furthermore, in August 1803, Langston
agreed to sell to Luttrell all his property in the borough
of Minehead, consisting largely of houses built for the
purpose of creating votes. Three arbitrators learned
in the law fixed the price at 7,000/. Finally, William
Davis of Alcombe, merchant, published an apology
for having issued " a most false, scandalous, and malici-
ous libel " on John Fownes Luttrell, esquire.
The papers at Dunster Castle afford very little in-
formation about the General Election of 1 806. Under
date of the 22nd of October, there is a "rough list
of inhabitants of Minehead likely to vote for Mr. Lut-
trell and his friend." Then there is a " list of voters
as they were billeted to the different houses in Mine-
head for a supper and drink, the 24th October. "
Lastly, there is a hst of seventy-two " gentlemen to
be invited to dine at the Plume of Feathers Inn in
Minehead, on Wednesday the 5 th day of November
1806." The election had already been held on the
ist of the month, when Sir John Lethbridge and
Lord Rancliffe had been returned. Luttrell had with-
drawn at the last moment, but it is practically certain
that both the members were his nominees, Lethbridge
resigned within a few weeks and John Fownes Luttrell
was returned in his place on the 1 4th of January 1 807.
Another dissolution of Parliament followed very
shortly, the King desiring a House of Commons that
would support the ministry formed by the Duke of
268 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. viii.
Portland. On this occasion, a final attempt was made
to overthrow the supremacy of the Castle interest in
the borough of Minehead. The struggle was very-
brief. On the 6th of May 1807, the Hon. Thomas
Bowes issued a printed address " to the worthy and
independent electors, " which did not contain the
slightest reference to his political views ; he simply
asked them to exercise their "freedom of suffrage, "
and declared his desire to protect them " from the
shackles and abuses of tyranny and corruption. " A
song composed on his behalf similarly asks : —
" Shall Britons bold be bought and sold
Slave-like — mere traffic in a fair ? "
The poll was opened on the 8th of May, and after
seven o'clock in the evening " the Hon. Thomas
Bowes sent a letter to Mr. William Leigh, informing
him that he would not give Mr. Luttrell any further
trouble. " Only thirty-four electors recorded their
votes on the following day, and when the numbers
were officially counted, the result was declared : —
John Fownes Luttrell, 123,
John Denison, 108,
Hon. Thomas Bowes, 64.
In 18 1 2, John Fownes Luttrell and his son, John
Fownes Luttrell the younger, were elected " by ac-
clamation and with the most cordial demonstrations
of regard." The event was celebrated by a ball in
November, to which about a hundred and fifty persons
were invited, all belonging to the professional and
commercial class.
The administration of the Dunster estate by John
Fownes Luttrell the elder was marked by several
changes, all tending to a concentration of his interest.
Between the years 1789 and 1793, he purchased from
J.Voiniman.
MARY DREWE.
(Mrs. FOWNES LUTTRELL.)
CH. VIII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 269
Lord Stawell the whole of the Stewkley inheritance
at Dunster, comprising the rectorial tithes, the advow-
son, and several burgages and fields at Marsh. In
1796, he paid 8,000/. to Juliana, Lady Langham,
daughter and eventual heiress of George Musgrave,
for the impropriate rectory and the advowson of the
adjoining parish of Carhampton, with a house and a
few acres called Uphill at Rodhuish. Fifteen years
later, he bought the manor of Sandhill in the parish
of Carhampton from Hugh Escott. As a set-off
against these purchases, he sold the outlying manor of
Heathfield Durborough to John Perring of Combe
Florey, in 1803, for the sum of 22,000/.
At an earlier period of his life, John Fownes Lut-
trell had taken considerable interest in horses, and
there are at Dunster Castle silver cups won by him
at Lichfield races in 1781 and at Totnes races eight
years later. He married, on the 2nd of August
1782, Mary daughter of Francis Drewe of Grange,
in Devonshire, and by her had issue five sons and
four daughters : —
John, his heir.
Henry, successor to his brother.
Francis, born on the loth of February 1792, and
baptized at Dunster. He matriculated at Christ
Church, Oxford in 1 8 10, but left without a degree,
accepting a commission in the Grenadier Guards in
March 18 13, just in time to take part in the ex-
pulsion of the French from Spain. He was stay-
ing at Dunster Castle when the news arrived of
Napoleon's escape from Elba, and he forthwith went
up to London, whence he proceeded by Ramsgate,
Ostend, and Ghent, to join his battalion at Enghien.
At the battle of Waterloo, he was wounded in the
hand. On the 2 1 st of February 1 8 24, he married,
2/0 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. viii.
at Kensington, his cousin Louisa daughter of Samuel
Drewe, and he sold his commission in April 1825.
Settling at Kilve Court as a country gentleman, he
became the first chairman of the Williton Board of
Guardians and the first Master of the West Somerset
Fox-hounds. In 1 8 39, he was appointed Lieutenant-
Colonel of the Second Regiment of Somerset Militia.
He died on the 4th of January 1862 and was buried
at Dunster, where there is a stained glass window
in memory of him. Mrs. Luttrell survived until
1 88 1. They had issue nine children : —
George, successor to his uncle, Henry Fownes
Luttrell, of Dunster Castle.
Edward, of Kilve Court, born in 1 83 1 and educated
at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He died
on the 3rd of July 1865.
Arthur John, born in 1832, entered the Royal
Navy and died at Penang in 1847.
Francis, born in 1836 and educated at Eton and
Oriel College, Oxford. He died in Natal in
1 880. By Helena his wife, daughter of Stephanus
Maritz of Natal, he left issue two daughters,
Helena Louisa (Nina) and Margery.
Reginald, born in 1839 and educated at Eton and
Oriel College, Oxford. He died at Torquay
in 1866.
Augusta Margaret born in May 1825 and baptized
at Kilve. She died in 1880.
Charlotte, born in 1828 and died in 1842.
Caroline, born in 1829 and burned to death at
Kilve Court in 1856.
Mary Anne, married in 1861 to Henry Anstey
Bosanquet, barrister at law, afterwards of Clan-
ville in Minehead.
Alexander, rector of East Quantockshead.
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JOHX FOWNES LU TTRELL.
CH. VIII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 271
Thomas, born on the iith of September 1794 and
baptized at Dunster. Like his three elder brothers,
he was educated at Eton, whence he proceeded to
Exeter College, Oxford, in 18 14. Entering holy
orders, he served the cure of Dunster from 1821
until 1872, holding also the vicarage of Minehead
for some years, and from 1832 onwards the vicarage
of Carhampton. At the close of his life, he built
the school at Dunster, and he died there in De-
cember 1 87 1.
Mary Anne, born on the 27th of July 1783, and
baptized at Dunster. She was buried there in
May 1835.
Margaret, born on the 8th of October 1784 and
baptized at Dunster. She was buried there in
June 1858.
Charlotte, born on the 23rd of March 1786 and
baptized at Dunster. She was buried there in
March 1791.
Harriet, born on the 21st of October 1788 and
baptized at Dunster. She was buried there in
April 1870.
John Fownes Luttrell died in February 1 8 1 6 and was
buried at Dunster. His relict survived until March
1829. There is a good portrait of him by Opie, for
which he paid only four guineas in 1782, the artist
being then young and almost unknown. ' There is
also a miniature of him set in diamonds.
A charming pair of oval drawings by John Down-
man, dated 1781, represents two Misses Drewe, Mary
afterwards the wife of John Fownes Luttrell, and
Charlotte afterwards the wife of his brother Francis
Fownes Luttrell.
' In Rogers's Opic and his works the possession of a Mr. J. S. Townsend,
(p. 122), this picture is stated to be in who cannot be identifted.
2/2 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. viii.
John Fownes Luttrell the second was born on
the 26th of August 1787 and baptized at Dunster.
He was educated at Eton and at Oriel College, Oxford,
where he took the degree of M.A. Succeeding to
the family estate in 18 16, he soon increased it by
purchasing the manor of Eastbury and Briddicot Farm,
both situate in Carhampton and formerly the property
of the Perceval family.
It has been seen above that this John Fownes
Luttrell was returned as one of the members for
Minehead during the lifetime of his father. He
was duly re-elected without opposition in 1 8 1 8 and
after four subsequent dissolutions of Parliament, and
on each occasion he nominated his own colleague.
In the Reform Bill, Minehead, with an electorate
of only two hundred and fifteen voters, mostly his
tenants, was scheduled for disfranchisement. The
proposal of course aroused his keen opposition. He
and his agent prepared an elaborate case on behalf
of the threatened constituency, giving such facts
and statistics as appeared favourable to it, and some
adroit references to the historic importance of Dun-
ster. By way of showing that Minehead was not
a mere pocket-borough of the Luttrells, the case
states that there had been two contested elections
there within the previous thirty years, though it
prudently refrains from giving the dates of them.
In proposing moreover that the parishes of Car-
hampton, Withycombe, Wootton Courtenay and
Timberscombe should be included in the parlia-
mentary borough, it does not mention that the
Luttrell influence was predominant in at least two
of them. Lord John Russell and his followers were
not to be moved by such devices, and, in 1832,
Minehead lost the right of sending up represent-
CH. VIII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 273
atives to Westminster. After its disfranchisement,
John Fownes Luttrell stood for the western division
of the county in the Tory interest, but he was not
successful. ^ He died unmarried and was buried at
Dunster on the 21st of January 1857.
Henry Fownes Luttrell, second son of the first
John Fownes Luttrell, was born on the 7th of Febru-
ary 1790 and baptized at Dunster. He was educated
at Eton and at Brasenose College, Oxford, where he
proceeded B. A. On the death of his father in 1 8 1 6,
he was elected to succeed him as one of the Members
for Minehead, and he was re-elected in 1 8 1 8 and
again in 1820, but he resigned his seat in 1822, in
order to become one of the Commissioners for audit-
ing the Public Accounts. Many years of his life
were spent in London, as he held office until 1 849.
He succeeded his brother John at Dunster in 1857,
but died unmarried in October 1867.
George Fownes Luttrell, eldest son of Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Francis Fownes Luttrell, was born at
Kilve on the 27th of September 1826. He was
educated at Eton, where he succeeded his cousin
H.A. Fownes Luttrell as Captain of the Boats. He
afterwards went to Christ Church, Oxford, and pro-
ceeded B.A. On the death of his father, he became
Master of the West Somerset Fox-hounds, which he
kept as a private pack for some years after his success-
ion to his uncle, Henry Fownes Luttrell, in 1867.
In 1 873, the Dunster estate comprised 15,374 acres,
with a gross rental of 22,000/. ' Viscount Portman,
Sir J. H. Greville Smyth, and Sir Thomas Dyke Acland
' Some doggrel lines on ' Luttrell the history of the borough,
standing against Sanford ' quoted in * Bateman'sGrert/L(im/i7:rHfrs,(i883)
Hancock's Miuehcad, p. 361, refer to p. 284.
this election, and are unconnected with
274 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. viii.
were the only persons with a larger or more valuable
property in Somerset. In addition to this, Mr. Lut-
trell was entered in 1873 as owning 1852 acres in
Devonshire, the inheritance of the Fownes family,
most of which he sold in the following year. The
estate in Somerset had been materially enlarged in
1870, by the purchase of the manor of Old Cleeve,
including the very interesting and beautiful remains
of the Abbey of St. Mary in the Flowery Vale, those
of the dependent Chapel of St. Mary a little to the
north, and the Jacobean house called Binham. None
who can remember the time when the cloisters of
Cleeve Abbey served as pigstyes, can fail to appreciate
the care that has been bestowed upon the monastic
buildings during the last thirty years and more. In
1870, Avill was acquired from Sir Thomas Dyke
Acland, in exchange for land between Minehead and
Selworthy. Twenty-one years later, Aller in Car-
hampton, formerly the residence of the Everards, was
added to the Luttrell estate. An interesting comparison
might be drawn between the position of the medieval
lords of Dunster, owning a number of isolated manors
in different counties and that of their present repre-
sentative, owning a large but more compact estate in
the immediate neighbourhood of his own residence.
The important alterations made by Mr. Luttrell in
the Castle and the Church at Dunster will be des-
cribed in future chapters. Those made by him at
Minehead, at East Quantockshead and elsewhere
hardly come within the scope of the present volume.
A notable event in the local annals was the then
Prince of Wales's visit to Dunster in August 1879,
when he stayed two nights at the Castle, and went to
a meet of the Devon and Somerset Stag-hounds at
Hawkcombe Head.
CH. VIII. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 275
Mr. Luttrell married, in August 1852, Anne Eliza-
beth Periam, daughter of Sir Alexander Hood, baronet,
and has issue : —
Alexander, born on the ist of June 1855 and educated
at Eton. After serving for about a year in the
Rifle Brigade, he received a commission in the
Grenadier Guards in 1 876. He was in the Soudan
campaign at Suakim in 1885 and became Captain.
He married, in April 1886, Alice Edwina daughter
of Colonel Munro Ferguson of Raith and Novar
in Scotland, and has issue two sons : —
Geoffrey, born on the 20th of May 1887.
Ralph Paganel, born on the 26th of May 1889.
Hugh Courtenay, born on the loth of February 1857
and educated at Cheltenham. He served for some
time in the Rifle Brigade and was Aide-de-Camp
successively to Earls Cowper and Spencer when
Lords Lieutenant of Ireland. He has been Mem-
ber for the Tavistock division of Devonshire from
1892 to 1900 and from 1906 to the present time.
He married in February 1904, Dorothy Hope,
daughter of Sir William Wedderburn, baronet, and
has issue three daughters, Mary, Louisa and Eliza-
beth.
Edward, born on the 24th of September 1858 and
educated at Eton.
Claude Mohun, born on the 9th of September 1867,
and educated at Eton and Magdalen College,
Oxford.
Mary.
Beatrice.
CHAPTER IX.
The Borough and the Manor of Dunster.
The earliest historical mention of Dunster is to be
found in the survey of the lands of William de Mohun
made in 1086. In the Exeter Domesday we read: —
" William has a manor which is called Torra, which Alvric
held on the day on which King Edward was living and dead;
and he paid geld for half a hide. One plough can till it.
There William has his castle, and fifteen bordars, and two
mills which pay ten shillings, and five acres of meadow and
thirty acres of pasture. It is worth fifteen shillings and [it
was worth] five shillings when he obtained it. "
In considering this brief record, it is necessary to
bear in mind that the manor of Torre thus described
w^as not co-extensive vv^ith the parish of Dunster.
Avill, Alcombe and Staunton, alike belonging to
William de Mohun in 1086 and alvs^ays included in
the parish, w^ere separate manors. Each of them
contained more arable land than Torre. On the
basis of hidage, Alcombe and Staunton were more
important than Torre, and Avill v^as equal to it. In
actual value, Alcombe was worth more than Torre,
and Avill and Staunton were worth less only because
of the very great improvement of Torre during the
two decades between the Norman invasion and the
compilation of Domesday Book.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 277
There is nothing in the quotation given above to
show that the inhabitants of Dunster differed from
those of the agricultural villages in the neighbourhood.
In the course of the twelfth century, however, a little
town grew up under the shadow of the mighty castle
of the Mohuns. There is mention of toll levied there
in 1 177, and twenty years later Dunster is described as
a borough which yielded 20/. a year to its lord. ^
When an attempt was made in 1222 to establish a
market at Watchet, the government of Henry the
Third caused it to be suppressed without delay, on
the score that it would be injurious to the market of
Dunster, the lord of that place being then a ward of
the Crown. ^
The following is a translation of the earliest charter
relating to this market, under the seal of Reynold de
Mohun the second : —
" Know all men present and future that I, Reynold de
Moyhun, have given, granted and by this my present charter
confirmed to Hugh Rondevin and Robert Luci and Robert
the Hunter {yenatori) and Roger Pryer and Robert Chipera
and Simon Coc, my burgesses of Dunster, and their heirs,
the right of having and for ever possessing of me and my
heirs a market and fair in the same in North Street (in eodem
vico del Nord)y freely and quietly and wholly, and without
removal and impediment of me and my heirs.
" On account of this gift and grant to be held of me and
my heirs by them and their heirs for ever, the aforesaid
burgesses have given to me a tun of wine of the price of
forty shillings as an acknowledgement.
" In assurance of this, I have affixed my seal to this writ-
ing ; these being witnesses : — Sir John de Regni, Roges son
of Simon, William Everadd, Richard of Holne, Roger
Pollard, Robert of Cogstane, Geoffrey of Kytenor, Geoffrey
of Lucumbe, and others. " *
1 Pipe Rolls. * D.C.M. VIII. I ; Gcntlevtan's Maga-
» Rotuli Litt. Clausarum, vol. i. p. 527. zitie, vol. Ixxviii. p. 874.
278 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
The following charter can be definitely assigned to
the period between 1254 and 1258 : —
" To all the faithful of Christ to whom the present writing
shall come, Reynold de Moyun, greeting. Know ye all that
I have granted, released, and quit-claimed for ever for me
and my heirs and all others who after me shall in any way
be lords, or guardians, or bailiffs of Dunesterre, that the
burgesses of that town or their heirs shall in no wise here-
after be made reeves, or farmers of the sea-port or of the toll
of the borough or of the mills of the same town, against
their will.
" I have also granted to the same burgesses and their
heirs that they shall be quit of yearly tallage, so that no
tallage according to the custom of other boroughs of England
shall be exacted from them save for reasonable and due
cause.
" I will moreover and grant for me and my heirs and all
who shall be lords, or bailiffs, or guardians of Dunesterre,
that the said burgesses and their heirs shall have common
on Crowedon without any claim or impediment, as good for
their use as they were wont to have in the time of any of
[my] predecessors.
" And that buyers or sellers in the market of Dunesterre
shall be quit of toll, unless their buying or selling exceed
twelve pence. Likewise fishermen and cornmongers shall
be quit of toll in the said market for ever.
" I will moreover, granting for me and my heirs, lords,
guardians and bailiffs of Dunesterre, that hereafter we shall
not be able to make prise (captionem) from the brew of any
one in the same town beyond twenty-four gallons, that is to
say four gallons for a penny. If, however, we shall wish
to have more ale from that brew, it shall be bought at the
rate at which buyers of the country (patrie) buy of the
same. And that nobody hereafter shall make in the town
of Dunesterre that ale which is called Reeve's Ale (Cervisia
Prepositi). If, however, it shall have been made, the brewers
(pandoxatores) of the same town shall not for that reason
cease from brewing and making ale and selling as they ought
if that ale had not been brewed.
" And that if [the burgesses] shall fall into mercy for any
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 279
offence, they shall be quit for six pence, except for laying
hands upon the lord, or the lady, or any of the household of
the Castle.
" And that after the buyings of the lord at the sea-port
or in the aforesaid market have been made, [the burgesses]
shall forthwith be able to buy whatever they may wish to
buy without objection (querela) or hindrance, and that others
of the country (de patria) shall not be able to do their buying
before them.
" And if they shall find a rabbit hurtful to them, they
shall kill it and bring the skin to the Castle, and so be quit
thereof.
" And also that they shall openly use the same customs
at the Hundred [court] and elsewhere as they were wont to
use in the time of any of my predecessors.
" All these things I have granted to the said burgesses
and their heirs for ever, for the soul of John de Moyun, my
firstborn son, of happy memory, and for twenty marks which
the same burgesses have given to me.
" Wherefore I will and grant for me and my heirs the
lords, guardians and bailiffs of Dunesterre, that this my
grant, release, and quit-claim shall remain valid and unshaken
for ever. And lest I Reynold, or my heirs or any other
lord, guardian, or bailiff of Dunesterre, shall be able to contra-
vene this in any respect, for the greater assurance hereof,
I have affixed my seal to the present writing. These being
witnesses : — Sir Simon de Ralegh, Sir Roges of Porlok,
Sir John Bretasch, Sir William le Bret, Philip of Lucumb,
Richard Aylerd, Richard of Cloudesham, Hugh of Avele,
Richard of Linc[oln], and many others. " ^
The foregoing has been described as one of the
large group of charters characterised by a limitation
of the lord's ' mercy, ' or powder of amercement, the
exception here being the case of an assault on an in-
habitant of the Castle. ^
One of the sections suggests that the rabbits on
Conigar Hill had so multiplied as to become a nui-
» D.C.M. VIII. I. pp. 92-110.
' English Historical Review, vol. xvi,
28o A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
sance to the townsmen. By 1266, they had been
exterminated and Conigar had become ordinary pasture
in demesne. The rabbit-warren of the lords of Dunster
in subsequent centuries was on flat ground near the
sea, a little to the east of Minehead. The ' custom '
of Dunster with regard to the Hundred Court seems
to have consisted in ignoring it altogether.
The following charter belongs to the period between
1269 and 1279 : —
" To all the faithful of Christ to whom the present writing
shall come, John de Moyun, greeting in the Lord. Know
ye all that I have granted, confirmed and quit-claimed for
ever, for me and my heirs, to all the burgesses of my town
of Donestorre and their heirs all the liberties of the same
town which Sir Reynold de Moyun, my grandfather, at any
time gave and granted by his charter to the said burgesses
and their heirs, as that charter witnesses in all points, without
any claim to be made thence hereafter.
" 1 have also granted to the said burgesses and their heirs
[the right] to find yearly a suitable and faithful bailiff, to
receive, present, and faithfully answer for all attachments
made within the borough. And if the same bailiff for the
time being shall in any way misbehave against the lord or
the said burgesses or their heirs, he the same bailiff shall
make amend to his lord, according to the custom of the
borough; and in his place the said burgesses shall put another
bailiff suitable for the lord's work.
" For this grant, confirmation and quit-claim the said
burgesses have given to me twenty shillings in hand. In
witness wherof I have affiixed my seal to the present writing.
These being witnesses : — Sir John de Brytasch, knight,
Philip of Luccomb, Richard of Cloudesham, John of Holne,
Geoffrey of Kytenare, Geoffrey le Tort, William Everard,
William Pyrou, Robert de la Putte, and others. " ^
With regard to the foregoing it is only necessary
to observe that in most manors the bailiff, or bedel,
' D.C.M. VIII. I ; Gentleman's Magazine, vol. Ixxviii. p. 874.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 281
" was an outsider appointed by the lord " to look
after his interests. ^
The next charter to the burgesses bears a specific
date : —
" To all the faithful of Christ who shall see or hear the
present writing, John de Moyun the Third, lord of Duns-
terre, greeting in the Lord. Know ye all that I have granted
and confirmed for ever for me and my heirs to all the
burgesses of my town of Dunsterre and their heirs all the
liberties of the same town which Sir Reynold de Moyun,
my great-grandfather, gave and granted by his charter to the
same burgesses and their heirs.
" I have also granted to the same burgesses and their
heirs the estate {statum) and liberty which they had by a
certain writing made to the same burgesses by Sir John de
Moyun, my father.
" I have furthermore granted to the same burgesses and
their heirs for ever, on account of the love which 1 bear to
the said burgesses, that they shall have furze (^jaones)^
whorts {rnoritas)^ turves {turbas\ fern {fugeras) and heath
{hrueras)^ sufficient for their fuel on my hill of Croudon,
for ever.
" Provided that by reason of this grant nobody sojourning
within the borough of Dunsterre shall in any wise have or
hold the aforesaid liberties or grants except the burgesses
and their heirs or those who hold a whole burgage in the
same borough.
" And that this my grant and confirmation may remain
approved and valid for ever, I have affixed my seal to the
present writing. These being witnesses : — Sir Andrew
Loterel, knight, William Osberne then constable of Duns-
terre, Gilbert de la Putte, Roger Arundel, Ralph Fitzurse,
Robert of Bratton, and Ralph le Tort. Dated at Dunsterre
on Thursday before the feast of the Annunciation of Our
Lady in the twenty-ninth year of the reign of King Edward."
[a.d. 1301.]'
In I 571, Croydon common was stated to contain
' Vinogradoff's Villainage in Eng- ' D.C.M. viii. i.
land, p. 318.
282 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
about two thousand acres " very commodious " to the
town of Dunster " for the necessary fuell, heath and
turfe growinge " there. ^
The same John de Mohun issued a further charter
a few years after that given above : —
" To all the faithful of Christ who shall see or hear the
present writing, John de Mohun, lord of Dunsterre, greet-
ing in the Lord. Know ye all that I have granted and
confirmed for ever for me and my heirs to all my burgesses
of my town of Dunsterre and their heirs and all who hold
a whole burgage that they shall freely dig and at their
pleasure carry away slime {slymam) for improving their lands,
in the whole of my marsh between the road that leads to
the sea-port of Dunsterre and the marsh of Richard of
Avele ; and that they shall have common of pasture with all
their plough-cattle {averiis) at every time of the year, except
in my several marsh which is called Estmersh, [so] that they
shall neither dig there and carry away, nor have common
there with their plough cattle. Provided that by reason of
this grant nobody sojourning within the borough of Duns-
terre shall in any wise have or hold the aforesaid liberties or
grants except the burgesses and their heirs or those who
hold a whole burgage in the same borough.
" And that this my gift, grant and confirmation may
remain approved and valid for ever, I have affixed my seal
to the present writing. These being witnesses : — Sir
Henry of Glastonbury, knight, William Osbern, steward,
Geoffrey of Loccombe, Gilbert de la Putte, Roger Arundel,
Robert of Bratton, Ralph le Tort, and others. Dated at
Dunsterre on Friday next after the feast of St. James the
Apostle in the thirty-fifth year of King Edward. " ^
There is some error in the date of this charter, for
Edward the First died on the 7th of July 1307, and
the feast of St. James was on the 25th of the month.
The validity of the grant seems to have been question-
^ Chancery Proceedings, Series H, ter, formerly preserved in a chest in
bundle 117, no. 59. Dunster Church, is now at the Castle.
» D.C.M. viii. I. The original char-
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 283
ed by George Luttrell in the reign of Elizabeth, on
the ground that the burgesses of Dunster were not a
corporation. It may be useful to note here that the
East Marsh reserved as above then comprised about
forty acres used as a rabbit-warren and commonly
known by the name of ' Coleborrowes. '
The following charter was issued by the same John
de Mohun in 1324 : —
" To all the faithful of Christ who shall see or hear the
present writing, John de Mohun, lord of Dunsterre, greeting
in the Lord. Know ye all that I have given and granted
for me and my heirs and all others lords, guardians, [or]
bailiffs of Dunsterre to all the burgesses of my town of
Dunster continuing for ever twenty gallons of ale out of the
twenty-four gallons of ale formerly due to me from every
brew. I will also and grant for me and my heirs and all
lords, guardians and bailiffs whomsoever, that hereafter we
shall not be able to make or have prise (capcionem) of the
brew of anyone in the same town, except four gallons of ale
from a brew as I had them and was wont from the past
term, and those of the ale which the bailiff found on sale on
the day of search.
" And I, the aforesaid John de Mohun, and my heirs
will warrant, acquit and defend for ever to the aforesaid bur-
gesses and their heirs and all who continue in the aforesaid
town the aforesaid twenty gallons of ale against all mortals.
In testimony whereof I have affixed my seal to this present
writing. These being witnesses : — Sir Henry of Glaston-
bury, knight, Ralph le Tort, Geoffrey of Loccumbe, William
of Kytenore, William of Holne, Robert Everard, Geoffrey
of Avele, and others. Dated at Dunsterre on Sunday after
the feast of the Purification of Our Lady in the seventeenth
year of the reign of King Edward, the son of King Edward."
[a.d. 1324.]^
There must have been a good deal of brewing at
Dunster at this period, for, some six years after the
date of the foregoing charter, the lord's prise of ale
» D.C.M. vin. I.
284 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
in the town was valued at 2/. i 3^. 4^. a year. ^ The
subject will be mentioned again in connexion with
the courts of the borough. Camden, Gerard and
Fuller agree in stating that the last Lady de Mohun
of Dunster obtained from her husband as much ground
as common for the inhabitants of the town as she
could walk round barefoot in one day. The story,
which reminds one partly of Dido and partly of Lady
Godiva, might be dismissed as fabulous were it not
for the fact that these three writers had access to a
chronicle of the Mohun family composed in the life-
time of this lady and actually dedicated to her. ^ It
is, however, necessary to observe that there is no record
of any charter to the burgesses of Dunster granted by
her husband.
In 1346, the town of Dunster was called upon to
provide three armed men to serve in the wars of
Edward the Third. ^ Four years later, only one such
man was demanded.* In 1360, for the first and last
time, Dunster sent up two members to Parliament, in
the persons of Walter Morys and Thomas Carter. ^
The little borough never had a mayor or an alderman.
On the other hand it was considered competent to
receive land and otherwise to act in a corporate ca-
pacity. ® Such property as vested in it was apparently
held under an implied trust for the churchwardens,
or for one of the chantries. ^ In 1355, and again in
1498, there are specific mentions of the common seal
of the commonalty of the town of Dunster, every
vestige of which has long since disappeared. ^
* Inq. post mortem, C. Edw. HI. vol. i. p. 164.
file 22 (11). ^ Inq. ad quod damnum, file 344,00.
* Devon Notes and Queries, vol. iv. 6 ; D.C.B. nos. 12, 19, 43, 46.
p. 252. ' D.C.B. no. 48. Bishop King's Re-
^ Rymer's Foedera, vol. iii. p. 71. gister at Wells, f. 45.
* Ibid. p. 194. 8 D.C.B. no. 41.
* Return 0/ Members of Parliament,
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CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 285
From some of the charters given above, it appears
that nobody was accounted a burgess of Dunster who
did not hold a whole burgage. The ground on either
side of the different streets had, at an early period,
been cut up into narrow strips, each affording space
for a house with a yard or a garden behind. The
tenements on the eastern side of the High Street were
separated from the Hanger Park by a continuous
paling or wall ; those opposite were similarly separated
from the Priory Green. In some parts of the town,
the arrangement was not quite so symmetrical. Each
strip of normal size was known as a burgage and was
held of the lord by the free tenure of that name. As
in several other ancient boroughs, the rent was usually
a shilling a year for each burgage, a substantial amount
not far below the actual value of the premises when
first acquired.
Subject to this and some other obligations to be
mentioned hereafter, the burgess could deal with his
holding as he chose, and he could even bequeath it
by will, at a time when testamentary powers over land
were very restricted. The lord therefore never got
an escheat unless a bastard tenant died intestate. All
the burgesses were, as such, essentially free men,
though of course they might also be tenants of agri-
cultural land in the manor liable to the ordinary con-
ditions of villein service.
While all the burgages were, as the name implies,
situate within the borough, they were not necessarily
single houses inhabited by burgesses. A barn, or even
a void plot of ground, might be accounted a burgage.
There is occasional mention of half-burgages. On
the other hand there might be two dwellings on one
burgage. By the seventeenth century, however, the
medieval meaning of a ' burgage ' as a piece of ground
286 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
held by burgage tenure, had been largely forgotten,
and the term had come to be regarded more or less as
an equivalent to * messuage ' or * tenement, ' and to
be applied to houses not held " according to the custom
of the borough.
We may fairly suppose that, as originally allotted,
each burgage had a separate owner, who was also the
occupier. The unrestricted power of alienation, how-
ever, tended to reduce the number of burgesses, or, in
other words, to concentrate the burgages in a limited
number of hands. A prosperous tradesman might
acquire a burgage next to his own, in order to enlarge
his premises. So again, anyone wanting an invest-
ment for surplus money might buy a burgage, in order
to let it, at a time when the yearly value had come
to be much greater than the fixed rent payable to the
lord. At Dunster, this rent seems to have been always
due from the owner, the lord ignoring the mere oc-
cupier. If it was not paid, the lord apparently had
no easy remedy except distress upon any goods to be
found on the premises. ^
In the course of the later middle ages, several burg-
ages in Dunster were acquired by the Abbot and
Convent of Cleeve, the Prior of Dunster, and the
local gilds of St. Lawrence and the Holy Trinity.
All these fell into the hands of the Crown at the dis-
solution of the monasteries and the subsequent sup-
pression of chantries, but subject to the rents payable
to Sir Andrew or Sir John Luttrell.
An 'extent' of the year 1266 shows that the total
number of burgages in Dunster was then 176J.
Twelve of the burgages in different parts of the town
belonged to the Benedictine Prior. Robert of Gal-
lockswell had seven, all apparently situate near the
' D.C.M. I. 27; IX. 2.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 287
place of that name beyond the river. The surnames
of many of the other burgesses indicate their respective
vocations : — ' Mazun, ' Smith, Carpenter, ' Poter, '
Baker, ' Cok, ' Webber, Fuller, ' Corour, ' ' Tannere, '
' Glovere, ' ' Chepman, ' Miller, ' Gardiner, ' Fisher,
Hunter (venatorj^ Wake (vigil)^ Clerk and Chaplain.
Others took their names from the places at which
they dwelt, the Marsh, the Bridge, the Bar, the Corner,
the Well, and the Churchyard. Roger Wyschard
may be mentioned as a representative of the Norman
element in the population, and John Portman of the
English. Among the more curious names in the list
are those of William le Nywecomesone, Maud le
Dublesterre, Nicholas Bukkehorn, Alice Stoukedostre,
and Joan Cockeslop. A few of the burgesses had
only one name recorded, such as Stou, Wyncestre,
Cheffynge, Hunygod, Couleman and Scherpe, but it
is not necessary to suppose that they had received
them at their baptism. ^
The court-roll of 1381 records the admission of
some new burgesses, at the usual rent of a shilling,
but they obtained only estates for life. ^ If a burgage
came into the lord's hands by escheat, by purchase,
or by surrender, he could deal with it more or less as
he pleased, imposing upon a new tenant conditions to
which the representatives of the original burgesses
were not subject. Thus the following entry occurs in
the court-roll of the borough for the year 141 3 : —
" To this court comes Thomas Touker the younger and
he gives to the lord ild. as a fine for having estate and entry
in a burgage lying on the south side of Grobbefast-pathe,
which William Jone lately held, to hold according to the
custom of the manor, rendering therefor and doing the same
rents and services as the aforesaid William was wont to
» D.C.M. vui. 4. * D.C.M. IX. 5.
288 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
render and do. And he will build a new house of one
couple (copuV) and two Mnschydes' upon the said burgage
within two years, according to agreement. And he was
admitted tenant and did fealty. " ^
In all such cases, the payment made for entry is
described as a ' fine. ' New tenants were from time
to time admitted in open court in the fifteenth century,
to hold " according to the custom of the borough. "
They may perhaps be regarded as copyholders, and
there is specific mention of a conveyance by Sir
Andrew Luttrell, in 1 5 37, of " a tenement or burgage
in Dunster " to be held for lives " by copy of the
roll. " ^ On the other hand the successors of the
original burgesses did not hold ' by copy of court
roll. ' Their tenure is often described in the rolls as
' socage, ' of which indeed it was only a variety.
A widow at Dunster could claim the ' capital mes-
suage ', or principal house, of her deceased husband,
to hold ' in free bench ' until her remarriage or death. ^
There is unfortunately no written custumal defining
the exact relation of the free burgesses of Dunster to
their lord. It is, however, abundantly clear that he
was entitled to a small pecuniary sum upon every
transfer of a burgage, at any rate in all cases when
the new owner was not already a burgess. In 1381,
this payment is described as ' toll ' (toln)^ but in the
following century it is usually styled ' boroughright ',
spelt in various ways. ^ The writers of the court-rolls
seem to have been rather confused as to the meaning
of the term, and, in 1532, we find it applied to the
tenure, instead of the custom or the payment. ^
A great number of instances might be cited to show
that the lord received 4^. from every burgage con-
• D.C.M. XI. 2. See Bracton.
2 D.C.M. XIV. 9. * D.C.M. IX. 5; X. 2. 3; xi. 2; xii. 1-4.
* Placita de Banco, 348. m. 320. * D.C.M. xiii. 3.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 289
veyed by one living person to another. The following
will, however, suffice : —
1426, April 22. " Burghryght, 14^. Fealty. To this
[court] comes John Orchard the younger arid gives to the
lord of * burghryght ' for three burgages and a half which he
acquired of John Frank, clerk, to him and Alice his wife and
heirs lawfully begotten between them ; and he did fealty to
the lord for the same. " ^
The charge on an estate for life was the same as
that on an estate in perpetuity. In cases of transfer
to several persons jointly, such as feoffees, the lord
sometimes exacted /\.d. from each of the new tenants,
but the practice in this respect seems to have been
variable. The lord also got 4^. from every burgage
on the death of the owner.
1432, December 22. " To this [court] come John Blounde-
helfe and Joan his wife, daughter and heiress of John
Duke of Dunsterre, deceased, and claim to hold of the lord
three burgages within the borough there, to hold to the
same John and Joan, their heirs and assigns for ever, whence
there accrues to the lord of a certain custom of the said
borough for the aforesaid three burgages a certain render
called ' burghryght, ' that is to say ^d. from every burgage,
lid. And so the same John and Joan were admitted
tenants, and did fealty. " *
1462, October 24. " On this day came George Stukeley,
son and heir of Richard Stukeley, and did fealty to the
lord for a burgage in Dunster late of the said Richard and
paid * burghryght, ' that is to say ^d. " '
Nevertheless, the steward was sometimes content
to accept 4f.d. from persons inheriting " divers burg-
ages " when the number was not exactly specified.
In 1503, and several subsequent years, the payment
made by every new burgess on admission is described
in the rolls as ' relief, ' a term borrowed from the
> D.C.M. XII. I. ' D.C.M. XII. 4.
» D.C.M. XII. 2.
290 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
feudal vocabulary. ^ So long as the ancient custom
of the borough was maintained, one name was as
good as another. In the reign of Henry the Eighth,
however, a new system of assessment was established,
the amount of ' relief ' being fixed at two years ' rent.
At a court held on the 6th of October 1522, it was
found that no less than five of the free burgesses had
recently died — John Wylkyns who paid 2s. yearly.
Sir John Trevelyan who paid y. 6d., Thomas Stoway
who paid ij-., John Lewes who paid is. 6^. and John
Ellisworth who paid 31. 4^. In each of these cases
the relief due to the lord was set down at double the
amount of the rent. ^ How the change was intro-
duced the rolls do not show. The lord must assur-
edly have surrendered some ancient right or due when
the fee on admission to a freehold burgage of normal
value was thus suddenly raised from 4^. to 2s.
A fresh oath of fealty seems to have been required
from every burgess of Dunster on the accession of a
new lord.
For some time after the reign of Henry the Eighth,
the rolls of the borough court are so irregular that it
is impossible to say when the oath of fealty and the
payment of 'boroughright', or ' relief, on succession
ceased to be exacted. The following entry occurs
among the proceedings of a court leet and court baron
held on the i8th of October 1735 : —
" We present a releifFe due to the lord of this burrough
upon the death of Mr. Giles Poyntz leatly deceased, who
died seized of land or burgeges within this burrough, upon
whose death, by the information of Mr. Thomas Prowse,
steward of this court, there was due two pounds, four shil-
lings, and fourpence due to the lord of the said burrough
for such said releiife, which [is] not yet paid. "
1 D.C.M. XIII. I. 2 D.C.M. XIII. 3.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 291
The amount thus claimed was exactly double the
yearly rent due from Poyntz for various burgages.
The amount of rent paid yearly at Martinmas by
the burgesses of Dunster seems to have fluctuated
slightly in the middle ages. The total was 9/. 3^. ^d.
in 1259 and 1267. At the beginning of the reign
of Edward the Fourth, it should have been 8/. 7J. 5^.
but, perhaps in consequence of political troubles, many
of the burgages were unoccupied and i/. 6j-. \od.
could not be collected. ^ It was 8/. 9^. \d. in the
reign of Henry the Eighth, but it afterwards declined
steadily, possibly through a decrease in the urban
population, possibly through purchases made by suc-
cessive owners of the Castle. ^ In 1648, there is a
list of " Heigh rents payable yearlie at Saint Martin's
daie, " amounting to only 5/. 1 2s. 5^. Out of this
the Crown was liable for i/. 6j-. in respect of burgages
that had belonged to Cleeve Abbey and to chantries
suppressed in the reign of Edward the Sixth, and
Giles Poyntz of Lower Marsh was liable for i /. 2s. 2d. '
By 1746, the burgage rents had fallen further to
4/. 3 J. 10^., of which i/. 2i. 2d. was due from John
Poyntz, and i6j'. 8^/. from the heirs of Sir Hugh
Stewkley. The date of payment had also been altered
from Martinmas to Michaelmas. *
In course of time, the burgage rents came to be
regarded merely as payments for the right of depas-
turing nine ewes and a ram in the Salt Marsh. '" A
few persons more closely connected with the manor
of Carhampton were occasionally admitted to similar
rights on payment of a shilling a year. "^
Between the years 1760 and 1772, Henry Fownes
' D.C.M. I. 27. * Survey by John St. Albyn. D.C.M.
* Bailiffs' accounts and Inq. post ^ S^vai^e's Hundred of dirhampton,
mortem, passim. p. 37^-
» D.C.M. III. 12. " D.C.M. III. 12.
292 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
Luttrell bought up the rights pertaining to fifty-four
burgages out of a total of eighty-five ; and his son's
purchase of the whole Stewkley estate in Dunster,
about 1790, made a further considerable reduction in
the number. As late as 18 19, there were a few out-
standing rights of pasture in the Salt Marsh, but it
had been altogether forgotten that the payments of a
shilling a year represented an ancient rent for property
in the town to which the lord had a reversionary
right in certain contingencies. The Salt Marsh was
finally divided by the Inclosure Commissioners in 1 865.
It has been seen above that, in the later part of the
thirteenth century. Sir John de Mohun had made
over to the burgesses of Dunster the right of electing
the bailiff of the borough. In course of time, how-
ever, they ceased to act together as a corporation,
and the right reverted to the lord.
In 1 62 1, Robert Poore paid 12/. for the bailiwick
of the borough, including the benefit of the outstand-
ings, the weighing of yarn and wool and all other
merchandise brought to the Town-hall to be weighed,
the benefit of the two fairs on " Whitesun Mundaie
and Good Frydaie, " and " a certaine rent paid yerly
by the tanners betweene Martyns daie and Christmas
Eve called Larder-silver. "
In 1 629, George Luttrell demised to Andrew Worth
of Dunster, yeoman, his executors and assigns,, for
twenty-one years, " all that the office and baily wicke of
the borough of Dunster ... and also the outstandinges,
coveridge-money, and pitchinge-pence on the fayre
daies and markett daies.... together with the benefitt
and profitt of tollage and also of weighinge of yarne
in the New Hall and elsewhere within the borough
aforesaid, and likewise the rents, yssues, and profitts of
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 293
the butchers' standinges on Whitson Monday yerely, "
and all other advantages belonging to the bailiwick,
reserving to himself and his heirs " all instandinges
and shoppes " and the rents usually paid to him. He
also undertook to provide " fit, necessary, and sufficient
boordes, tressells, forckes and poles for the standinges
aforesaid, as often as neede shall require. " The yearly
rent of 10/. to be paid by the lessee is explicitly stated
to be the ancient rent for the bailiwick. ^
In the record of proceedings at the court leet in
October 1739, we find : —
" Samuel Matthews was at this court elected by the lady
of the manor bailiff of the borough of Dunster during
pleasure, and he was then sworn to the due execution of his
office.
Later on we find the following : —
" Conditions of a survey held on Thursday the 29th Sept-
ember 1763, at the Ship Inn in Dunster in the county of
Somerset for setting (sic) the Cornhouse, Markethouse,
Tubhouse and butchers' shambles in Dunster aforesaid,
together with the reasonable use of all the tubs, pecks and
other measures, boards, trussels, poles, beams, scales and
weights that now are in or belong to the Markethouse and
market aforesaid, and all tolls and other advantages, emolu-
ments, profits and priviledges of the market and fair to be
holden and kept in Dunster aforesaid and which to the clerk
of the market of Dunster aforesaid do or may belong and of
right appertain, except all the inclosed shops and other rooms
taken out of the Markethouse, for the term of seven years."
This * survey ' was a sort of auction, at which dif-
ferent persons stated the yearly rent which they were
respectively wiUing to pay, and the bids rose from
47/. to 60/. at which figure the lease was granted to
George Gale.
' D.C.M.xv. 22. Of. however D.C.M. xiv. 33, 41.
294 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
In documents of the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries, the profits of the market of Dunster are
often associated with those of the sea-port. When
royal writs and proclamations were addressed to the
different ports of the realm, there were only two
places in Somerset to which they were sent. Bridge-
water and Dunster. ^ In 1375, the St. Marie Cog of
Dunster, a vessel of 57 tons, valued with its cargo at
275/. was taken or destroyed near the mouth of the
Loire. ^ Soon after this, Minehead came into notice
as a port, and it gradually supplanted Dunster. It
was from Minehead that the Leonard of Dunster
sailed to Bordeaux in 1417.^ In 1 565, Watchet,
Dunster Haven, and Porlock Bay are described as
places in the precinct of Bridgewater at which "smalle
botes " were wont to land " salte, wyne, vyctualles,
wood and coole. " * There had recently been trouble
about the second of these places. According to an
information filed by the Attorney General, the Port-
reeve and burgesses of Minehead, relying upon their
new charter, would not allow any " ship, boat, or
vessel " to put into Dunster Haven. To enforce
their prohibition, they used, he averred, to carry off
the sail of any offending craft, and to imprison the
master and crew. They also claimed control over
the sale of merchandise and victuals at the Haven. ^
Eventually nature put an end to the maritime
commerce of Dunster. At best its port was no more
than a creek at the mouth of the little river, and in
process of time it got silted up with alluvial matter.
The course of the river has been changed so much in
' Rymer's Foedera, vol. ii. p. 701 ; ^ See above, page 88.
vol. iii. pp. 125, 460, 495, 500, 728 ; '' Exchequer, K.R. Special Commis-
Calendar oj Close Rolls, /296-1502, p. sions, 1928.
loi ; 1337-1339, p. 379 ; Calendar of ^ Memoranda Roll, K.R. Easter,
Patent Rolls, 1390-1401, p. 487. 3 Eliz. m. 109.
' Chancery Miscellanea, bundle 28.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 295
recent years that the very site of the medieval Haven
of Dunster can hardly be recognised, but a long pool
of fresh w^ater near Sea Lane is still knov^n as ' the
Hawn. '
Along a considerable part of the coast of Somerset
the lords of Dunster have for centuries claimed the
right known as ' v^reck of sea. ' There is mention
of ' the wreck of Dunestor ' as early as the year 1 1 82. *
When a ship going from Ireland to Wales was
wrecked at Dunster in 131 1, the people of the
country, presumably tenants of Sir John de Mohun,
carried away the cargo. ^ So again, in the reign of
Richard the Second, the local agents of Lady de
Mohun seized the sulphur, woad, ginger, raisins,
writing-paper, flax, sugar, prunes, rice, cinnamon,
pepper, and other merchandise of Ludovico Gentili
and Cosimo Doria of Genoa, found in a ship driven on
to the same shore. ^ Numerous instances have been
adduced, from the court-rolls and other sources, of the
exercise of the right to wreck in subsequent centuries,
the Luttrells claiming it from the Foreland in the
parish of Countesbury to Shurton Bars in the parish
of Stoke Courcy, a stretch of some thirty-two miles.
In 1857, the Board of Trade explicitly admitted the
title of the late John Fownes Luttrell to unclaimed
wreck washed ashore between the eastern boundary
of the parish of Lillstock and the stream dividing the
counties of Devon and Somerset, thus somewhat cur-
tailing the line. *
In the absence of any royal charter conferring
I Pipe Roll. Dunster, the manors of Minehead and
^Calendar o, Patent Rolls, 1307- Carhampton, the hundred of Carliamp-
'3'5> P- 311- ^°"' '*"'^' "^^ manor of Kilton, " as if
* Rymer's Fccdera, vol. iv. p. 75. each of these properties conferred
* Hancock's Minehead, pp. 35, 36. separate rights in this respect, and
The official letter pleonastically ment- uses the word ' comprising ' in a mis-
ions " the honour and borough of leading sense.
296 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
privileges upon the early lords of Dunster, we might
suppose that they were entitled to wreck of sea along
the whole coast of the Hundred of Carhampton and
along the coast of all manors comprised in the Hon-
our, or Barony, of Dunster. Shurton, excluded by
the Board of Trade, would consequently have been in
their jurisdiction. On the other hand it is obviously
unlikely that they had any established rights on the
coast of such manors as Stoke Courcy, Kilve, or East
Quantockshead, which were neither in their Hundred
nor in their Barony. A royal charter of 1267 gave
to the Abbot and Convent of Cleeve wreck of sea
along their own piece of the coast, and it is known
that the Walerands and the Fitzpayns claimed a simi-
lar right in their manor of Stoke Courcy. ^ The
cartulary of the Mohun family, compiled by John
Osberne in 1350, states explicitly that among the
privileges pertaining to Dunster was that of wreck
along the whole coast of the Hundred of Carhampton,
from the water of Oare to that of Sheotemouth near
the Chapel of St. Mary of Cleeve.
There is abundant evidence that successive lords of
the manorsofMinehead,Dunster,andCarhampton have
been entitled to the foreshore adjoining. Their court-
rolls and accounts abound in references to ' staches ' and
' weres ' by the sea as sources of revenue. It is believed
that upright stakes fixed on a rough wall near low water
mark were formerly connected with ' freething, ' or
wattles, so as to catch fish stranded by the reflux of the
tide. According to modern practice, moveable nets
are affixed to the stakes for the same purpose.
Leland, writing in the reign of Henry the Eighth,
notes that " the Moions hz.d Jura regalia at Dunster." ^
• Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. ii. p. 254.
p. 69 ; Assize Roll, no. 759, mm. 5, gd.; ^ Itinerary (ed. 1907), p. 166.
Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1302-1313,
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 297
One of these rights was that of treasure trove through-
out the Hundred of Carhampton. Another was that
of hanging thieves caught with the stolen goods upon
them. Although this ceased to be exercised at an early
period, the names of Gallockstreet, Gallocksbridge,
Gallockswell, Gallockscross and Gallocksdown have
survived. John Osberne, writing in 1350, mentions
gallows called ' Scamerdon ', common to Dunster and
Carhampton.^ There were also gallows at Minehead,
not far from Lower Hopcot.^ Another highly valued
right of the Mohuns was the ' extract,' or * return,' of
writs, the sheriff of the county being precluded from
executing any royal instructions within their privileged
area save through the agency of their bailiff. ^
Leland states briefly that " the toun of Dunestorre
makith cloth. " ^ Local notices of this industry ex-
tend over more than five centuries of English history.
In an elaborate ' extent ' of the manor of Dunster
made in 1266, we may observe the names of Adam
the dyer, Walter the webber ftextorj, William the
fuller, Alice the webber (textrixj and Christina the
webber.^ In 1259, as again in 1279, 1330 and i 376,
a fulling-mill yielded a rent of 1 3^. 4^. to the lord
of the manor. ^ This was presumably the building
described in 141 1 and 1437 as " le tokyng mill. " ^
The business seems to have increased, for in 1376,
the reeve of Dunster accounted for I2d. " of the new
rent of WiUiam Taillour at Hocktide and Michaelmas
for a fulling-mill which the said William has erected
over the lord's watercourse. " " In 141 8, this mill is
> Mohun Cartulary. * D.C.M. vili. 4.
* D.C.M. viii. 6 ; XXXI. 5. ' D.C.M. xvii. 2 ; Inq. post mortem,
» RotnliHiitulredonim, vol. ii. p. 125; C. Edw. I. file 22 (i): Edw. HI. file 22
Pollock &■ Maitland's History of English (11) ; D.C.M. ix. 2.
Law, vol. i. pp. 583, 644. ' D.C.M. X. I ; XI. 3.
* Itinerary, p. 166. » D.C.M. ix. 2.
m
298 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
described as situate near ' le Colverhay. ' Thomas
Touker was then paying the old rent of i 31. 4^. for
a fulling mill ' under Grobhurst ; ' a third mill ' near
Barlebienshey (sic) ' yielded 2s. ; and the Abbot of
Cleeve had a fourth in or near West Street. ^ A few
years later, only three such mills are mentioned, that
situate under Parlbienshay, that rented by Thomas
Touker at Frilford or Frekeford, and that which
Thomas Touker the younger rented from the Abbot
of Cleeve. ^ In the reigns of Henry the Fourth and
Fifth, one of the public highways in Dunster was
known as ' Toukerstrete. ' As it certainly adjoined
some running water, it may have been the continuation
of West Street towards Frackford. ^ In the later
part of the reign of Henry the Sixth, Robert Touker
paid yearly rent for a fulling-mill newly built on the
eastern side of the Castle, but presumably far below it.^
In 1467, an order was made by the borough
court : —
" That nobody shall henceforth make linen cloth of
* flockys, * and if it be proved by anyone that then the cloth
so made shall be forfeited to the lord. " ^
In 1492, three persons were amerced for polluting
the river between Dunster and Dunster Hanger with
" le wodewater, " and an order was made : —
" That no dyer shall henceforth put or throw * le wode-
water ' in the lord's stream (rivulo) before eight o'clock at
night, under pain of /\.od. every time.
In 1494, there were two presentments at the
court : —
" William Morgan has unlawfully made his cloth mixed
1 D.C.M. XI. I. Parlebienshay was '^ D.C.M. x. 3 ; xi. 2.
so called after a man who bore the '' D.C.M. xviii. 4.
French nickname of ' Parlebien. ' * D.C.M. xii. 4.
» D.C.M. xviii. 3, 4.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 299
with * flokkes, ' to the detriment of his neighbours, and
contrary to the statute issued on this behalf. Therefore he
is amerced ^od. "
" John Lechelond unlawfully makes his cloth with 'cardes *
{i.e. thistles), contrary to the statute. Therefore he is
amerced 3<^.
It is interesting to note traces of a Sabbatarian
spirit at this period. At a court held in April 1491,
it was ordained : —
" That no fuller shall henceforth allow his mills to make
cloth from the time of evensong on Saturday until after
vespers on Sunday, under pain of 6j. 8<^., whereof 40*^. to
the lord and /\.od. to the church. "
Two fullers were amerced in that year for breach
of this ordinance. ^
Special arrangements were necessary for drying the
cloth after the process of ' fulling, ' or ' tucking. ' In
1459, a member of the trade was empowered to make
a ' tentorium^ ' called " in English ' le reck ' " on the
' Castel Torre ' at Dunster on a strip of ground meas-
uring 63 feet by 18.^ In i486, there were several
' tenters, ' or racks * on Grobfaste, ' and the bailiff of
the borough accounted to Sir Hugh Luttrell for 6^.
received from John Cok for one tenter and for 2s. bd.
for divers tenters. In the following year, he debited
himself with 71. ' new rent ' for tenters set up ' on
the Castle Tor' and 'on Grobfast. ' ^ In 1529,
Thomas Everard the younger paid rent to the lord of
Dunster for " a clotherack caulyd the myddell racke
upon Grobfast, with a fullyng myll caulyd Frekeford,"
which has been already mentioned. "
By a will dated in 1 57 1 , Richard Worth of Dunster
bequeathed 6/. i 3^. \d. to the use of young beginners
' D.C.M. xiii. I. ^ D.C.M. XIII. 2.
» D.C.M. XII. J. * D.C.M. XIX. 8.
300 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
exercising the art of cloth-making in the borough. ^
Later in the reign of Elizabeth, the tucking-mill with
two stocks that had formerly belonged to the Abbot of
Cleeve was pulled down by the grantee, Colle, in
order to make room for two new grist-mills. George
Luttrell, as owner of the ancient manorial grist-mills,
retaliated by diverting a part of the water-course,
whereupon Colle brought a suit against for him break-
ing the head-weir at Hurlepool. ^
In 1589, George Howe of Dunster, clothier, built
" one tuckinge or fullinge mill " of two " stooks "
adjoining the eastern end of the " water griste mille,"
situate " under the Castell Torre, on the south parte
thereof. " In consideration of his expenses, he ob-
tained from George Luttrell a lease for twenty-one
years of the said new mill, a close called Culvercliffe
containing two acres, with a rack standing therein
' under Grobhurst,' two " rackromes " standing on
the south-western part of the Castle Tor, and a little
plot called the ' Hopkegarden ' on the western side of
the common ryne adjoining the grist-mill, the whole
at the nominal rent of 26s. S^. ^
There is a parliamentary enactment of 1601 that
" Dunster cotton hereafter shalbe by this present acte
intended and taken to be of like length and breadth as
Taunton and Bridgewater cloth. "*
Six years later, there is a further enactment : —
" That every broad cloth commonly called Tauntons,
Bridgewaters and Dunsters, made in the western part of
Somersetshire, or elsewhere of like making, shall contain,
being thoroughly wet, between twelve and thirteen yards, and
in breadth seven quarters of a yard at the least, and being
well scoured, thicked, milled and fully dried, shall weigh
thirty pounds the cloth at least. "^
' Brown's Somersetshire Wills, vol. ^ D.C.M. xiv. 29.
ii. p. 81. •* St. 43 Eliz. c. 10.
2 D.C.M. XV. 4. 5 St. 4. Jac. I. c. 2.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 301
It was for the sale of cloth that George Luttrell
built the octagonal Market-House which is so pictur-
esque a feature in the main street of Dunster.
In 1655, there is mention of a piece of waste land
beaten out of the rock at the lower end of West Street,
adjoining the mill-stream, under a close called ' Racke
Cloase ' wherein stood divers fullers' racks. Two
years later, Francis Luttrell received 35J. for the rent
of seven ' rack rooms ' then in use, of which five were
on the Castle Tor. By 1670, the total number of
rack-rooms had risen to nine, but the rent therefrom
had fallen to 30J-.
In 171 3, William Leigh of Dunster, clothier, took
a lease of a messuage called ' Frackford, ' comprising
a dwelling-house and two fulling-mills, with a coppice
called ' Rack Close ' situate ' under Goose Wheekes
Path, ' with the right of setting up racks on the side
of Grabbist Hill. From 1682 to 1760, the smaller
fulling-mill next to the old grist-mills seems to have
been in the hands of successive members of the Hos-
som family, who latterly paid only 6s. 8^. rent and a
heriot, or fine, of i 31. 4^. on succession. It is described
as " of no value " in 1746 " by reason of the badness
of trade. " A tenant was, however, found for it six
years later, and in 1777 it was supposed to yield 8/.
a year to the owner of the Castle. The fullers' rack
rents which brought in 3/. 8j. in 171 9 had by 1746
sunk to i/,, there being only five let at 4J. apiece.
After 1764, they disappear from the rental. Never-
theless, Henry Fownes Luttrell thought it worth
while, in 1765, to convert a grist-mill, which he had
bought from one Ingram, into a fulling-mill. This,
with a piece of meadow, yielded at first 15/. a year,
but only 8/. in 1779. Ingram may have been the
eventual successor of Colle mentioned above.
302 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
Savage, writing in 1830 with regard to the industry
of Dunster in the eighteenth century says : —
" At that time the female inmates of farm houses, in this
and the neighbouring district, from the mistress to the ap-
prentice maid, and the wives and daughters of the labourers,
were employed, when not occupied about their household
affairs or farms, in spinning their master's wool into yarn by
hand, which was regularly carried to this market and sold to
the clothiers here, and others who came from Old Cleeve,
Williton, Putsham, Wiveliscombe, and other places. " ^
The periodical courts of the borough of Dunster
are mentioned by the name of the ' portmote ' in
1279, when its pleas and perquisites were valued at
20s J In 1330, they were valued at 5// The rolls
of the fifteenth century show very much larger profits
to the lord.
The two principal courts of the year, ' law-days, '
or courts leet ' with view of frank-pledge, ' were that
of Hocktide, about a fortnight after Easter, and that
of Michaelmas term, usually held on the Monday after
the feast of St. Luke (October 18). The court next
after either of these was sometimes styled in Latin
' cun'a comp/eta, ' or in English ' the fulfilling day. '
Other courts were held throughout the year at intervals
of not less than three weeks. The lord's steward was
of course the president at all the courts alike. The
bailiff was also invariably present. A jury of twelve
freemen attended at the two principal courts and
sometimes at the two courts that followed them. At
the meeting in October, election was made of the
officers of the borough, two constables of the peace,
two bread-weighers and two ale-tasters, in the four-
teenth century. To these were added, in the reign
1 History of the Hundred of Carhamp- 22 (i).
ton, p. 383. 3 iiji^i c. Edw. ni. file 22 (ii).
- Inq. post mortem, C. Edw. I., file
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 303
of Henry the Fourth, two surveyors of victuals or
keepers of the shambles, and, in the reign of Henry
the Eighth, tv^^o keepers of the streets.
It was the duty of the constables to ' present, ' or
report, all breaches of the peace, with a view to the
amercement of the offenders, and to confiscate any
weapon used. Their action was independent of such
proceedings as the aggrieved parties might take in
the court against their assailants. Persons of all ranks
appear in the lists of presentments : —
1410, October 23. "Richard the chaplain of Lullokes-
burg drew blood of Laurence Scolemayster with his fist,
contrary to the peace. "
141 1, March 16. "John Spere chaplain drew a knife
against John Loty, contrary to the peace. Therefore he is
in mercy, 6d. And John Loty drew a dagger — forfeited to
the lord — against John Spere chaplain. Therefore he is in
mercy, 6d. " ^
It was the duty of the bread-weighers to present
any bakers who sold loaves of insufficient size or bad
quality. The ale-tasters used to * present ' brewers and
ale-wives who tapped their barrels before the contents
had been examined, those who refused to supply
samples, those who made use of unauthorised measures
and those who sold beer in houses undistinguished by
a signboard.
1409, October. " Elizabeth Jone who had ale for sale in
a tavern refused it to Thomas Paccehole and afterwards sold
six gallons — which are forfeited — from the same tavern.
Therefore she is in mercy, 12^."^
Beer was indeed a source of considerable profit to
the lords of Dunster in the fifteenth century. At
court after court, fines were imposed upon persons
1 D.C.M. X. 3. * t»C.M. X. 3.
304 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
' presented ' for having ' brewed and broken the
assise. ' On one occasion, no less than eighty-six
persons were for this reason required to pay 6d. apiece,
but it is clear that they were not regarded as moral
delinquents, the bailiff's presentments of them being
quite distinct from the ale-tasters' presentments of
dishonest publicans. The amount of the fines imposed
upon respectable householders generally varied accord-
ing to the number of times on which they had com-
mitted a purely technical offence. ^ In the reign of
Henry the Sixth, these fines were payable to the
Constable of the Castle. Butchers were sometimes
amerced for selling meat at home, instead of bringing
it to market. They were also liable to get into
trouble if they removed the skins of the slaughtered
beasts and tried to sell them separately. The con-
sumers on the other hand were free to recover some
of their outlay. So it was that, in the reign of Henry
the Fourth, the steward of the household of Sir Hugh
Luttrell used to sell hides, calf-skins, and woolfells,
after sending beef, veal and mutton into the kitchen. ^
1408, May 8. " John Diere, a common fisherman, went
away with his fish, in prejudice of the town and contrary to
the custom of the borough. Therefore he is in mercy, 4^. "
1424, October 23. " Walter Phelp, Walter Stone, Philip
Cras, John Oldley, tenants of the lord, sold their fish to
strangers before offering {protuP) it in the lord's court at the
Castle, contrary to the ancient ordinance. Therefore they
are in mercy, 6d. ^d. 6d. 3<^. "
The jury usually endorsed the presentments made
by the elected officers of the borough. In a few in-
stances they disagreed with the constables with regard
to assaults. The supplementary presentments made
by them, are far more varied and interesting than
• D.C.M. XII. 1-4. 2 D.C.M. XXXVII. 7.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 305
those made by the officers. The commonest offisnces,
reported time after time, were the laying of dung in
the streets, the obstruction of gutters, and the pollution
of streams. Then again the principal burgesses, from
the Benedictine Prior downwards, were frequently
amerced for allowing their pigs to roam at large in
the town, although it might have been argued that
there were no better scavengers. Some topographical
information is to be gleaned from precepts to particular
persons to repair specified roads and bridges. The
jury were always severe against persons who tried to
carry on more than one trade, against 'forestallers' who
intercepted provisions on the way to the market, and
' regraters ' who bought wholesale in the morning
with a view to selling later in the day at an enhanced
price. The ordinary buyer was to be protected against
speculators of all sorts.
In imposing penalties on individuals, the jury was
often satisfied to rely upon common report, without
requiring evidence of the commission of a specific
offence. Thus a petty pilferer, or ' holcrop ', might
be amerced upon general grounds. '
1408, May. " Ellen Watkyns is a common * holcroppe '
of divers things and a common scold and disturber of the
peace. Therefore she is in mercy, 4^.... Geoffrey Taillour
is a common night-walker and disturber of the peace. There-
fore he is in mercy, half a mark. " '
1443, April 8. "John [Towker, ' coryser, ' servant of
William Bedewyn] is a common spy or listener at the
windows of the neighbours, and likewise a common night-
walker and eavesdropper {lucultator). Therefore he is in
mercy, y. \d. " '
1493, August 5. " Order John Huyshe and Jerard
Goldesmyth that henceforth they do not allow their wives
' The obscure word ' holcrop ' occurs hampton.
also in the court rolls of the manor of * D.C.M. x. 3.
Minehead, and of the hundred of Car- * D.C.M. xii. 3.
3o6 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
to quarrel or to use opprobrious or scandalous words against
their neighbours or them {seipsos)^ under pain of either of
them delinquent in the matter oiios. to be paid to the lord." ^
From time to time the constables were directed by
the court to eject notorious scolds from the borough.
On rarer occasions the court displayed solicitude
as to the private morals of individual householders.
Under an ancient regulation, no burgess w^as allowed
to entertain a stranger for more than three days and
three nights without reporting him to the constables.
On the other hand two men were amerced i^d. apiece,
in 141 2, for refusing to receive certain pilgrims.
Men were liable to amercement if they refused to
serve as watchmen at the time of the Midsummer
bonfires. In the autumn, labourers were often fined 3^.
apiece for going away ' eastward ', with a view to
getting higher wages as harvesters than they could get
at Dunster.
In the second half of the fifteenth century, the
court made various ordinances for the good govern-
ment of the borough, some of which may be quoted
here : —
1467, April 20. " That nobody shall henceforth put
dung, straw, or other nuisances in the water running to the
lord's mills at any time of the week, save after (^citra) one
o'clock after noon on Saturday ; and that the whole ' flode-
yate ' standing in the same water shall be open by {ergo) the
aforesaid hour ; under pain of all those who can be found
in default of (id. to be paid to the lord. " ^
1489, May II. " That nobody dwelling beside the lord's
water between the tenement of William Symes and the lord's
mill shall throw any dirt or straw into the water there during
the week, save on Sunday after two o'clock after noon, under
pain of every one delinquent therein of iid. every time. "
1490. October 22. " That nobody shall henceforth throw
' D.C.M. XIII. I. 2 D.C.M. XII. 3.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 307
any dirt into the water running to the lord's mill, save only
on Saturday after twelve o'clock, under pain of ^od. "
1496, October 24. " That nobody shall henceforth put
or throw any dirt or dung in the water running to the lord's
mills save only on Saturday at the second hour after dinner,
under pain of 3^. as often as anyone shall happen to be
found in default herein.
i486, April 17. "That nobody shall henceforth put or
throw any ashes with fire on any ' donghill ' within the town,
under pain of ^od. "
1493, October 21. "That nobody in the borough shall
henceforth make a fire outside the chimney, in any house
covered with thatch {stramine)^ under pain of 10s. "
1488, April 29. " That nobody shall henceforth winnow
{yentulai) his grain in ' le Castell Bayly ' and at ' le Barrys '
unless he forthwith remove the chaff arising therefrom,
under pain of everyone delinquent therein oi iid every
time. "
i486, April 17. "That nobody shall henceforth break
the palings of the lord's park or carry them away, or have
any gates or footpaths in the lord's park, without licence,
save the parker of the same, under pain oi \od.
1489, October 22. "That nobody shall henceforth sell
any loads of furze called ' trusses ' beyond i\d. under pain
of \id. of the seller and the buyer alike. "
1 49 1, April 25, "That nobody resident {manens) in the
borough, who is not a burgess, shall henceforth cut or dig
heath on Crowdon for sale, but only for his own use, under
pain of \od ; and that no stranger resident without the
borough shall henceforth cut or dig heath or turf on Crow-
don, unless he be hired by burgesses of the aforesaid borough,
under pain of 6j. %d.
1489, October 22. " That nobody of the country {patrie)
shall henceforth buy any grain in the market before ten
o'clock, under pain of 40^.
1496, October 24. " That no baker in the borough shall
henceforth buy grain in the market, or go into the market
to buy any grain therein before eleven o'clock, under pain
of 6s. Sd. one half to be paid to the lord and the other half
to the church. "
3o8 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
1489, October 22. " That nobody shall henceforth keep
in his service any Irish servants, save one, under pain of
lOJ. "
1492, May. "That nobody shall henceforth keep grey-
hounds (Jeporarios sive leporarias) in the borough unless he
can spend 40J. of yearly income (redditus) under pain of
6s. %d. " ^
1472, October 19. "That nobody shall henceforth use
or carry swords, lances, ' gleyves, ' or other defensible and
unlawful arms, contrary to the statute of our lord the king
provided in this respect, under pain of forfeiture of the same
and 6j. %d. for every offence of this sort, to be paid to the
lord as often as discovery shall be made. "
" And it is ordained likewise by the court, with the assent
of the twelve jurors and the other officers (aforesaid) that
no man shall henceforth shoot with his bows {arquis) and
arrows in the churchyard of Dunster, or unlawfully practice
games there, under pain of \od.
" And it is ordained likewise by the court, with the assent
of the twelve jurors (aforesaid) that nobody in the borough
shall henceforth play at dice or cards {cardos)^ under pain of
every one who shall be found in default thus of 6j. 8^. And
that nobody shall allow games of this sort to be practised in
his house, save during twelve days at Christmas, under pain
of los. " '
1 49 1, October 24. "That nobody shall henceforth play
at dice or cards in the borough, save only during ten days
at Christmas, under pain of every one who shall so play
of 40^. every time, and of every one of those who shall
allow such games in their houses of 6s. %d. " ^
In the interest of the lord, the court of the borough
of Dunster occasionally reported on treasure trove, on
felons' goods, and other accidental sources of profit.
As between individuals, it heard pleas of assault, tres-
pass, debt, detinue, breach of covenant, and other
' D.C.M. XIII. I. This local ordinance mentonim, vol. iii. p. 273; vol. iv. p. 122.
was a belated echo of a statute of 1389 ^ D.C.M. xii. 4.
which was confirmed in 1419. St. 13. ■' D.C.M. xiii. i.
Ric. H. no. I. cap. 13 ; Rotuli Parlia-
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 309
matters. The rolls, however, give very little inform-
ation about private suits, beyond the mere names of
the parties. It seems clear that they were kept mainly
to record the fees and the amercements accruing to
the lord.
When John Luttrell succeeded his father. Sir Hugh,
in 1430, the bailiff was ordered to distrain the Abbot
of Cleeve and many other freeholders to do fealty to
him at the next court. ^ Suitors who did not attend
were liable to a fine of 3^. in the fifteenth century,
but the more substantial of them found it preferable
to compound for their absence for a twelvemonth by
a single payment of 4^. 6^. or is. according to cir-
cumstances. In 1 5 17, Sir John Trevelyan went to
the trouble of obtaining a writ ' of provision ' from
Westminster, directing the ' bailiffs ' of the borough
of Dunster to admit his attorney, the ' common
council ' of the realm having provided that every
free man owing suit to the court of a superior lord
might appoint another person to appear in his stead. ^
This did not tend to raise the credit of the borough
court in local estimation.
For more than a century after the reign of Henry
the Eighth, the records of this court are very scanty,
but there are brief notes of pleas of debt heard therein
in the reign of Elizabeth. The staff of officers elected
annually seems to have been increased, about 161 6,
by the appointment of two searchers and sealers of
leather. ^ In 1 6 1 7 and the following year, the deputy
of the Clerk of the Market of the King's Household
attempted to exercise jurisdiction over the constables
of the borough, but George Luttrell applied to the
Exchequer for redress, contending with truth that he
' D.C.M. XII. 2. to be to the Statute of Meiton of 1236.
» D.C.M. xiu. 3. The reference seems '' D.C.M. Iii. 13.
3IO A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
and his ancestors, lords of Dunster, had been used
" to keepe courtes leete " there twice a year from
time out of mind. ^
By the time of Charles the Second, the borough
court had lost much of its ancient authority, and its
meetings had become reduced to two in the year, one
in Easter term and the other in Michaelmas term,
survivals of the ' lawdays ' of the middle ages. Suc-
cessive stewards seem to have introduced various
changes of name and practice. In 1682, the amerce-
ments for non-attendance were bd. apiece for free
suitors and 3^. for other ' resiants, ' or residents,
within the borough. ' The lord's tenants, ' that is
to say lease-holders, were afterwards subjected to a
fine of 1J-. apiece for similar default. In 1732, there
is mention of " the jury at a court leet and court
baron held for the borough, " and seven years later a
nominal distinction was established between the court
leet for the borough and the court baron of the manor,
the former having a ' jury ' of twelve men and the
latter a ' homage ' of four or five, not always capable
of signing their own names. Both were, however,
summoned for the same day and place. The court
in Easter term was discontinued in 1762.
The records of the borough court in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries afford some scraps of topo-
graphical information, but are otherwise rather mono-
tonous. The bread-weighers, as of old, used to 'present'
bakers who sold loaves below the prescribed standard.
The clerks of the market were also watchful over
weights and measures. The ale-tasters used to demand
from the different publicans a sample quart of beer,
or a penny, " according to the custom of the manor. "
The street-keepers had frequent occasion to complain
' Exchequer Decrees and Orders, Series H, vol. 28, f. 105.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 311
of persons who laid dung on the public thoroughfares,
or washed sheepskins in " the Dunster river. " For
their guidance an order was made in 1 7 1 2 as follows: —
" That the street-keepers shall not exact or receive more
then one penny for one pig, and proportionably for any
number they shall take up within the burrough, besides the
duty to the bayliff for the pound. "
Sometimes the elected officers were themselves
charged with neglect of their respective duties. Nor
was the lord of the manor always immune. Formal
presentments were occasionally made that he had
failed to keep the pavement of Market Street in
proper condition, and that he had not repaired the
stocks, the pillory and the cucking-stool, " instrum-
ents of justice. " On the other hand the court was
Jealous of his rights and would not suffer encroachment
on his waste by the erection of ' leaping-stocks ' or
otherwise. In 17 14, several persons were presented
for erecting porches in the street beyond the line of
their pent-houses, and for setting up sign-posts before
their respective doors.
In the nineteenth century, the court leet and the
court baron sat together, once a year. The chief
business of the former was to impose fines of \d.
apiece on all male residents in Dunster between the
ages of fourteen and seventy who had failed to appear.
In point of fact the collector was usually satisfied if
he could levy \d. to maintain the principle that suit
was due. The court baron affected to impose fines of
IS. 6d. on freeholders and is. on leaseholders who did
not attend. The same persons often served on the jury
and on the homage. After transacting a minimum of
purely formal business in the Town-hall, the members
used to adjourn to the Luttrell Arms Hotels to be
regaled at the cost of the lord of the manor. The
312 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
courts, having long ceased to be of any use whatever,
were discontinued in 1891.
The periodical courts of the borough were, in the
middle ages, quite distinct from those of the manor.
The reeve of Dunster, the acting chief of the agricult-
ural community was, in 1 1 83, fined for exporting corn
from the realm. ^ In the various court-rolls, accounts,
and ' extents ' of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fif-
teenth centuries that have been preserved at the Public
Record Office and in the muniment-room at the
Castle, there seems at first sight to be a serious con-
fusion between the manors of Dunster and Carhampton.
Considering that many manors had outlying members,
the mere facts that Gillcotts at the eastern end of
Carhampton is at one time reckoned as part of Dun-
ster, while at another time Carhampton is made to
include Conigar, in the very heart of Dunster, would
not of themselves present any difficulty, if the docu-
ments did not appear to contradict each other on
points of greater importance, such as the situation of
the mills. The explanation is, however, very simple.
For agricultural and economic purposes, there was no
distinction between Carhampton and that part of
Dunster which lay without the borough.
"The delimitation of one manor from other manors of
the same lord seems to be a matter of convenience : one may
become two, two may become one, as the lord chooses to
have his accounts kept, his rents collected, his produce
garnered in this way or in that. " ^
The manors of Dunster and Carhampton were for
centuries administered as one estate, the reeve taking
his title sometimes from one place, sometimes from
the other. Whenever there is a reeve's account for
' Pipe Roll. English Law, vol. i. p. 604.
2 Pollock & Maitland's History of
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 313
one, there is none for the other, the two series of
accounts being in fact a single series, through which
certain yearly receipts and payments can be traced
continuously. ^
In the reign of Richard the Second, the courts of
the combined manors of Dunster and Carhampton
used to be attended by the tithingmen of Carhampton
and Rodhuish, the woodwards of Langcombe and
Langridge, the parker of Marshwood and the gardener
of Lady de Mohun.
The rural population of the combined manors of
Dunster and Carhampton comprised two classes of
tenants, the freeholders, and those who held upon
servile conditions. The former are in 1266 styled
" tenants by charter. " Some of them paid rents in
money quarterly, some half-yearly, and some at
Michaelmas only. There were also various rents
payable in kind, such as capons, wax, and pepper.
Almost all the freeholders owed suit of court twice a
year at Hocktide (soon after Easter) and Michaelmas.
The quarterly rents paid by the customary tenants
or villeins amounted to more than those paid by the
freeholders. Certain sums were also levied from them
at Michaelmas under the name of ' larder-silver. '
The value of the work which different persons had
to do for the lord was approximately equal to their
rent. Among the services enumerated in 1266 are
ploughing in winter, harrowing, weeding, sowing in
Lent, mowing, spreading and carrying hay, making
the hay-rick, reaping wheat, barley and oats, cleansing
the weir on the river, digging in the vineyard, and
gathering withies for hurdles. One tenant was bound
to provide a man, horse and wagon, when necessary,
' Prynne increased the difficulty of reeve of Dunster with those of the
search by mixing the accounts of the bailiff of the boroufh.
314 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
to go as far as Bridgewater in one direction, or the
border of the county on the road to Exeter in another.
Philip the Carter was similarly bound to deliver writs
issued in the lord's name. In consideration of the
rent and services minutely specified, each of the
peasants had his own piece of land. All their holdings
were small. Wymarca of Marshwood held half a
virgate of land, which in this district meant twenty-
four acres. ^ Eleven others held a ferling, that is to
say twelve acres, apiece. Sixteen others held six acres
apiece, and there were some who held even less.
The ' extent ' unfortunately says nothing as to the
length of tenure enjoyed by these different persons,
or as to the profits accruing to the lord upon the
death of any of them. ^
Those of the peasants who had to devote an ex-
ceptional amount of time and labour to the service of
the lord had some special exemptions and privileges.
" Whosoever shall be reeve of Dunsterre shall be quit
of rent and all his other services, and shall have food (escul-
enta) in the Castle when the lord and lady are staying there.
And he shall have throughout the year at the cost of the
lord a mare of his without provender (unani equam suam
sine prebend' ).
" Whosoever shall be hayward (messor) shall be quit of
rent and of service, and shall have a virgate of meadow in
Karemor, and a moiety of a * logge ' there beside the hay-
rick, containing seven feet in length and seven feet in
breadth, to guard the lord's meadow covered with hay ; and
he shall have a * stathel ' of the said rick of the depth of
about a foot. And he shall have * landweyes ' everywhere
except in Prestelonde where the lord cannot plough ; and at
every boonwork of August a sheaf and [the like] at every
Mn an ' extent ' of the adjoining ^ In the ' extent ' mentioned in the
manor of Minehead made in 1300, it is previous note there is a statement that
specifically stated that half a virgate " if the lord shall wish to have a keeper
contained twenty-four acres, and that a of the water of La Waterlete, he (the
ferling contained twelve acres. D.C.M. keeper) shall have a ' slabb ' of iron to
XXVI. 2. make his spade (bcscam). "
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 315
boonwork for carrying the lord's corn. And it is worth
3J. 8^. And he has in La Waterlete a cow quit of herbage.
And it is worth Gd.
" Whosoever shall be bedel shall be quit of rent and
service and shall have a virgate in Karamor and a cow there
and a moiety of the said ' logge, ' and a sheaf as above, and
his dinner.
" Whosoever shall be keeper of La Waterlete shall be
quit of rent and service and shall have a cow in La Water-
lete and a ' slab ' of iron for the repair of his spade (bescam)
of the price of i^d. and dinner as above.
" The carpenter shall make four ploughs (faciei iiij carucas
et exallar ) with all the gear (atillo), a cart (carettam) for
dung (fynia)^ and four wagons and all reins, and the outer
gate of the Barton, and he shall be quit of rent and service,
and shall have a virgate in Karamor and a cow in Waterlete
and dinner as above.
" Whosoever shall be a ploughman (carucarius) shall be
quit of rent and service and [shall have the use of the
plough] the second Saturday throughout the year. " ^
In an account of the reeve of Dunster and Car-
hampton for 1259, he credits himself in the first
instance : —
" In the allowance of works for a year for the reeve, the
bedel of Karempton, the carpenter, the hayward {haywardo\
six ploughmen, and the keeper of the water, 23J. "
Inasmuch as he does not debit himself with any
pecuniary receipts for ' works ' sold or commuted, it
would appear that at this date the lord's demesne was
actually cultivated by the villeins, his customary
tenants. Their obligatory services were, however,
insufficient for the purpose, and the reeve had to
employ some men on task-work {ad tascham)^ for
which they were duly paid. The rental of Carhamp-
ton, which included the agricultural part of Dunster,
• D.C.M. viii. 4 ; Ciistutuals of Bailie Abbiy (ed. Bird), p. 66.
3i6 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
was then 14/. los. lo^d. in money, besides rents in
capons, fowls, pepper and wax. ^
Twenty years later, the pecuniary rents are carefully
divided — 5/. 1 3/. lod. from free men and 1 1/. 6j-. 9^^.
from villeins, whose customary works were valued at
a further sum oi ill. lis. ^\d.
The lord's demesne then comprised various woods
and pastures and 493 acres of land, varying in value
from i\d. to 6d.^ An inquisition of 1330 states that
I GO acres of arable land there were worth /\.d. apiece,
and that 300 other acres were worth 6d. while 58^
acres of meadow were worth as much as 2s. 6d. apiece.
The ' works ' of the customary tenants were then
valued at 10/. 5/. /\.d. ^ There are no accounts extant
to show how much of the agricultural work on the
demesne was actually done by the villeins in the middle
of the fourteenth century. It is, however, tolerably
certain that, as money decreased in value, they availed
themselves more and more of the right of commuting
their personal services for pecuniary payments upon
a scale fixed long before. In course of time, more-
over, many of them surrendered their holdings and
took them back upon new conditions, to be held
' according to the custom of the manor ' and ' by copy
of court-roll. ' *
Several incidental mentions of the Barton, or home-
farm, of the medieval lords of Dunster show that it
stood under the shadow of the Tor near the Barn-
bridge over the river, a little to the north of the
grist-mills. A gate led thence into the Hanger Park. ^
There was also a court and grange at Marsh belonging
to the Castle. "^ In many manors, such as Minehead,
1 D.C.M. XVII. 2. * D.C.M. XVIII. 5, 6.
- Inq. post mortem, C. Edw. I. file '" D.C.M. xi. 3.
22 (i). * D.C.M. xviii. 2.
3 Ibid. C. Edw. III. iile 22 (11).
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 317
small pieces of the demesne were intermingled with
plots of land belonging to different tenants. In Duns-
ter and Carhampton, however, most of the demesne
consisted of large fields enclosed by hedges. One
outlying piece of pasture called ' Kingsallers ' recalls
by its name the fact that Carhampton had belonged
to William the Conqueror and to King Edward before
him. Another piece of the demesne was known as
' Old Court. ' The Waterlete already mentioned lay
to the north-east of the town and was divided into
three fields, Chapelwaterlete, comprising about 96
acres near Giltchapel, Chiselwaterlete, nearer to the
sea, and Marshwaterlete, near Marsh, each of these
two comprising about 69 acres. All three were well
irrigated and very fertile. These, with perhaps some
others, were known for centuries as ' the lord's fields. '
The common fields, divided into strips, were mostly
on the north side of Grabbist.
In the later part of the fourteenth century, Lady
de Mohun, having left Dunster and closed the Castle,
virtually ceased to maintain the farm there. The
demesne was let in sections, and the rent therefrom
was sent to her in London or in Kent. Under these
circumstances, it would have been difficult to maintain
an effisctive claim upon the services of villeins. By
I 377, the number of ' autumn works ' in this manor
had, through various causes, fallen to forty-nine and a
half, which were ' sold, ' or commuted, for zd. apiece.
Most of these were practically remitted in the follow-
ing year, when the Waterletes were let " to divers
tenants, " probably some of the very persons who
were liable for their cultivation. Under the system
then introduced, the owner of the Castle got 2j. 6^.
from every acre sown in the spring and reaped in the
summer, with something additional for the right of
3i8 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
turning beasts on to the land in autumn and winter.
Each of these three great fields was in turn allowed
to lie fallow for a year. ^
Sir Hugh Luttrell did not materially alter the
agricultural arrangements which he found in force
when he obtained the Mohun estate. Maintaining
a home-farm at East Quantockshead, he made no
attempt to grow cereals on the demesne at Dunster,
or to keep cattle or sheep there. Hay was, however,
necessary for his horses, and so he took some of the
meadows into his own hands. He also resumed pos-
session of various pieces of the demesne adjoining the
Hanger Park, for the enlargement of it and for the
use of his household. In his time, certain tenants at
Broadwood paid 2s. ()d. year after year for ' autumn
works ' commuted into money. ^ Occasional services
known as ' boonworks ' were sometimes exacted from
the customary tenants now greatly reduced in num-
ber. Ten men who were called upon to dig in
Chapel waterlete in 141 5 "" de prece \ received only
two pennyworth of bread. Some men and women
working in the same year among the beans in the
field known as Avelham were given mutton, pork,
oatmeal, bread, cheese, salt and beer, but no wages. ^
In the inquisitions taken after the deaths of Sir
Hugh Luttrell in 1428 and Sir John Luttrell in 1430,
' rents of assise ' amounting to i o/. ^s. j\d. are de-
scribed as payable by free tenants. There is, however,
no mention of villeins or copyholders. On the other
hand, the demesne at Dunster and Carhampton is
returned as larger than on former occasions, and the
lord is credited with owning no less than sixty-six
messuages of the yearly value of 8^. apiece. * Al-
' D.C.M. IX. 3 ; XIV. 15, 19. 4 inq. post mortem, 6 Hen. VI. no. 32;
= D.C.M. X. I. 9 Hen. VI. no. 51.
3 D.C.M. XI. I.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 319
though the villein could obtain protection in the
manorial court, the royal courts were wont to regard
his land as part of the lord's demesne. ^ None of
the local rolls contain any reference to the fact that
Carhampton had formed part of the ' ancient demesne '
of the Crown, which might have conferred certain
privileges on the tenants. *
There are several references to villeinage in the
court-rolls of Dunster and Carhampton in the reign
of Henry the Sixth. In 1439, Nicholas son of Payn
Ekedene paid 3J-. 4^. as head-money for leave to be
absent for a twelvemonth. ^ Ten years later, there
is the following entry : —
" The bailiff is in mercy because he has not distrained
John Stone, the lord's bondman of blood, to answer the
lord for having sent his son John to the schools without
licence, contrary to the custom, 2^- " *
The roll for 1429 contains a full transcript of an
inquisition taken at Crowcombe before the steward
of Richard Biccombe, lord of that manor, certifying
that a certain Richard West and his sons had always
been free men. ' Some member of the family may
have wished to migrate.
One of the most onerous conditions of unfree status
was the liability of having to serve as reeve. His
duty it was to exact from the other villeins the manual
works that they owed to the lord, and it is easy to
imagine the bickering that must have arisen when he
called men away from their little holdings. One
might dispute the amount of service claimed ; another
might simply attempt to procrastinate, so as to be
able to attend to his own crops in favourable weather.
1 Pollock and Maitland's History of ' D.C.M. xviii. 4.
English Law, vol. i. p. 363. * D.C.M. xvm. 6.
- Ibid. pp. 383-406. * D.C.M. XVIII. 5.
320 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
Small wonder then that the more prosperous villeins
were generally anxious to avoid an unprofitable and
thankless task. In 1430, nobody could be found to
undertake it at Carhampton, and the ' homage ' was
accordingly amerced at the ' lawday ' of Michaelmas
term. ^ As the lands held in villeinage were gradually
converted into copyholds in the reign of Henry the
Sixth, the tenants, taking them under fresh conditions,
were careful to stipulate in court that they and their
successors should not be called upon to serve the office
of reeve. ^ This led to a fresh tax upon those who
had not been thus emancipated. In the account for
1 460, the heading " new rent " records the receipt of
a shilling apiece from thirty-eight persons for exempt-
ion from service as reeve of Dunster and Carhampton. "*
An exactly similar levy was made at Minehead in the
following year. * Considering that there could not
be more than one reeve in each manor, it seems
obvious that the lord got a fresh source of income.
The " new rent for dyscharging of the reveshippe "
is mentioned in the Carhampton accounts as late as
1529. ^ By this time conditions had altered so ma-
terially that no reeve was really wanted. Rents of
assise " both of freemen and bondmen {natworuni)
are mentioned in 1533. ^
There is a memorandum of the year 1 648 that a
certain Rice Richards, who then held a house in
Gallockstreet at Dunster on a lease for lives, was
bound " to pay, besides \s. rent per annum, one
journey with a horse and cart or butt from Minehead,
or 1 2d. in Hew therof per annum. " ^
In addition to the customary services and ' boon-
1 D.C.M. XVIII. 6. 5 D.C.M. xix. 4, 8 ; XX. 38.
* Ihid. 6 D.C.M. XIX. 9.
* D.C.M. XVIII. 4. 7 D.C.M. III. 12.
* D.C.M. I. 27.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 321
works ' of villeins in Dunster and Carhampton, the
medieval lord of the manor received some agricultural
help from men of a much higher social position. By
a somewhat uncommon arrangement, the Prior of the
Benedictine cell at Dunster, the lords of the manors
of Avill and Withycombe, and the owner of land
called Gillcotts (Gildencote) were alike bound to
provide a wagon with two men and eight oxen to
carry corn or hay for a day apiece. Inasmuch as the
Mohuns and their successors, the Luttrells, had to
supply food for the wagoners, these 'carriage-works'
were valued at only a shilling apiece. ^ In 1376, one
of them was actually performed, the other three being
' sold, ' or commuted. The history of the work
due from the manor of Withycombe is obscure, and the
works due from Gillcotts and the Prior of Dunster
cannot have continued after the acquisition of both
these places by the Luttrells in the sixteenth century.
With regard to the fourth work, however, there is
an interesting entry in a rental of 1648, showing that
John Stocker, esquire, paid a shilling a year as a ' high
rent ' in respect of Avill to George Luttrell, as lord
of the manor of Carhampton Barton. This was quite
distinct from his feodary rent to the Barony of Dun-
ster, his common fine to the Hundred of Carhampton,
and his Candlemas rent. ^ Although he was presum-
ably ignorant of its origin, it may clearly be said to
represent the old commutation for non-performance
of a ' carriage-work. ' By 1 746, it had disappeared
from the rental.
The Mohun Cartulary contains a copy of part of
a very curious treatise on husbandry written in French
in the first half of the fourteenth century for the
> D.C.M. IX. 2, 3 ; xvm. 2, 4 ; xix. 4 ; » D.C.M. iii. 12.
XX. 38 ; XXXII. 13.
322 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
benefit of the lord of Dunster or one of his principal
agents. In explaining the system that should be fol-
lowed, it probably illustrates that which was in force
at the time. The earlier portion being unfortunately
missing, the document deals only with arrangements
subsequent to the harvest. It prescribes three valua-
tions of the crops to be made after the gathering of
them into barns, and before the threshing. The first
of these was to be made by the sworn ' homage, ' men
presumably chosen at the court baron of the manor.
The writer, however, states that it would not be well
to attach too much credit to this valuation, as the
members of the ' homage ' might be afraid of being
held responsible if the yield should not eventually
come up to their expectations. The second valuation
was to be made by the bailiff, sworn upon the book
of the Gospels. The third was to be made by the
auditors of the lord's accounts, or, in their absence,
by the steward or the constable, with two or three
trustworthy neighbours experienced in such matters,
and two or three of the older threshers who knew the
barns and were competent to estimate the yield of every
sheaf and mow {chescun tasse e meye). After these three
valuations, the lord would be able, with the advice
of his council, to say how much grain would be want-
ed for his household, and how much could be offered
for sale.
The treatise then prescribes the appointment by
the lord and his council of a faithful ' granger, ' who
was to be supplied with a horse. It was considered
that one such officer would suffice for the manors
of Dunster, Minehead, and Kilton, all belonging to
the Mohun demesne. When the lord or the lady
was in residence at the Castle, he was to have his
meals at their board ; at other times he was to eat in
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 323
the Benedictine Priory, or, failing this, in the house
of some respectable townsman, avoiding, however, the
tables of the bailiff and the reeve, so that he should
not be tempted into dishonest ways. These arrange-
ments suggest that the granger was not to be one of
the tenants ordinarily resident on the spot.
The granger was to be made to swear that whenever
he should come to Dunster to superintend the thresh-
ing, he would securely lock and seal the doors of
the barns every evening. Furthermore, he was not
to be trusted with the custody of the keys, and he
was to be required to deliver them duly sealed to the
constable of the Castle, to the Prior, or to some other
trusty person nominated by the lord. When at Mine-
head or at Kilton for a like purpose, boarding with the
Vicar, he was to deliver the keys to his host every
evening. Considering that these parsons were not
dependent upon the lord of Dunster, it may seem
strange that they should be expected to receive his
servant and undertake responsibility on his behalf.
The treatise alludes more than once to a ' chariour
e bernbrutte^ ' who seems to have had some author-
ity over the threshers. Among various sayings
quoted by the author, there is one to the effect that
even if a man employed his own brother as a thresher
he must watch him with eyes before and behind.
The husks were to be re-threshed if necessary, and no
residues were to be given away for the sustenance of
the destriers, palfreys, or horses of the steward, the
constable, the bailiff or the reeve. Placed in a separ-
ate store-house, they would be useful for the lord's
capons, hens, chickens and pigeons.
Another saying quoted runs : —
" Qui de poy ne tient conte
de leger va a haunte. "
324 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
The anonymous author suggests that the bailiff or
some other officer should, during the threshing in
August, cause the produce of every tenth or twentieth
sheaf of corn to be put aside, as a criterion of the
amount that the whole crop should yield. The bailiff
and the ' chariour ' or ' bernbrutte ' were alike to be
forbidden to distribute or sell grain to any person
whatever otherwise than by the standard bushel
sanctioned by royal ordinance, " without heap or
cantle.
The treatise concludes with a recommendation
that the ' launds ' of Marshwood Park, comprising
four hundred acres, should be ploughed and sown,
and that the remainder of it should be enclosed to
contain the deer. If cowhouses and storehouses
were established there, Marshwood might, in the
writer's opinion, be made to yield more profit than
all the demesne of Dunster.
Among the endowments given by William de
Mohun to the monks of Bath, before the year i loo,
was the tithe of his vines at Dunster, which would
not have been mentioned in his charter unless account-
ed of some value. ^ The expense of cultivating the
vineyard there and the sale of the Ybcal wine are alike
mentioned in 1 177. ^ An ' extent ' of the manor of
Dunster made in 1266, shows that thirty-four of the
villeins were required to dig half a perch apiece in
the lord's vineyard [in vite) every year, each of these
works being assessed at ^d. ^ It further states that
the vineyard comprised seven acres. * The produce
of the vineyard was, in 1 279, valued at i 8j-. ^ In
1284, there is mention of a wine-press [pressorium)
1 Two Chartularies of Bath (S.R.S.), * Mohun Cartulary.
C. no. 34. * Inq. post mortem, C. Edvv. I. file
« Pipe Roll, 23 Hen. II. 22 (i).
* D.C.M. VIII. 4.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 325
and in i 376 of a ' keeper of the vines ' who received a
regular salary, his duties doubtless requiring special
skill and care. ' The exact position of the Dunster
vineyard is specified in a deed of the year 141 9, which
shows it to have occupied the sunny slope at the back
of the house now known as the Luttrell Arms Hotel. '
There was also a vineyard at Minehead, and the
last Lady de Mohun used to have wine sent to her
therefrom after she had ceased to reside in Somerset. '
Her successor at Dunster, Sir Hugh Luttrell, event-
ually abolished the vineyard, turning it into ordinary
pasture within the Hanger Park. He had crossed
the seas several times, and he may well have preferred
the wine of Bordeaux to any that could be made on
his own estate. The name of ' le Wynard, ' how-
ever, survived some time in the yearly accounts of
the reeve of Carhampton Barton and Dunster. *
A rental of the manor of Carhampton Barton in
1648, and a survey made seven years later, show several
classes of tenants. A few freeholders were still paying
* high rents ' of small amount although of great
antiquity. There were forty-seven copyhold estates
and twenty-eight leasehold estates. Practically, how-
ever, there was not much difference between them.
Copyholders and leaseholders alike paid low rents,
the lord exacting a heavy fine on the expiration of a
tenancy, and a heriot on the death of each tenant of
an estate created for two or three lives. By this date
the manor had ceased to extend beyond the limits
of the parish, though in itself much smaller than the
parish. In at least one of the subsisting leases there
was a stipulation that the tenant should have her
corn ground at the Dunster mill. In other respects,
1 Miscellanea (Chancery), bundle 3, ' D.C.M. xxvi. 2.
no. 21, (5-7) ; D.C.M. ix. 2. * D.C.M. xi. i ; xviii. 2.
» D.C.M. I. 4 ; VIII. 2.
326 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
the separation of Carhampton from Dunster was com-
plete. The manorial courts of Carhampton were
discontinued in 1867.
A similar survey of the manor of Dunster in 1650
specifies thirty-one leasehold estates, yielding altogether
only 1 2/. ijs. a year, held for lives and subject to fines
on renewal and heriots on succession. The copyholders
had entirely disappeared. On the other hand there is
a list of " Dunster rents called St. Burye's Rents, "
collected quarterly by the bailiff of the borough. ^
Considering that there was no connexion between
Dunster and the Cornish St. Buryan, the name seems
at first sight rather puzzling. It appears, however,
that, during the lifetime of the first Sir Hugh Luttrell,
his eldest son, John, demised certain burgages and
lands to Reynold Seynesbury and Margaret his wife,
and afterwards settled them on their daughter, Cather-
ine the wife of Thomas Cook of Exeter. ^ Some of
the details of the transaction are obscure, but it seems
to have comprised all lands in the western part of
Dunster that were then in the lord's hand, either as part
of the original demesne, as purchases, or as escheats.
The accounts of the reign of Henry the Eighth record
the receipt of rents for ' Saynsbery londes. ' ^
At the time of the Domesday Survey of 1086,
there were two mills at ' Torre ' which yielded i os.
a year to William de Mohun. The gradual but
steady increase in their value is not without interest
from an economical point of view. As early as the
year 1279, it had risen to 2/. 13^.4^.* In 1329, Sir
John de Mohun demised his two corn-mills [molyns
blaers) at Dunster, with the services of his men due
' D.C.M. III. 12. < Inq. post mortem, C. Edw. I. file
' D.C.M. VIII. 2. 22 (i).
» D.C.M. XIX. 9.
THE GRIST-MI 1
DUNSTER.
CH. IX. A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. 327
thereto, to one of the burgesses named Walter Rughe,
at a rent of 24 marks, that is to say 16/. ^ In 1405,
the advisory council of Sir Hugh Luttrell granted a
lease of them for sixty years at a rent of 10/. upon
condition that the tenants should do all repairs, if
supplied with such timber as might be necessary for
the purpose. ^
Inasmuch as the mills belonged absolutely to the
lord, the rent arising from them was never confounded
with the rent of the little freeholders. In some doc-
uments indeed it is entered under the heading of the
manor of Carhampton Barton, as distinguished from
that of the borough of Dunster. ^ The ' services '
mentioned above consisted of course in every tenant's
bringing his corn to be ground at these mills. The
privileged miller had no rivals to fear, the mill at
Avill, in the parish of Dunster, being in a different
manor, and not belonging to the lord of the Castle.
Needless to say that the records of the court of Dunster
contain frequent complaints that he levied exorbitant
charges upon his helpless clients.
In 1427, William Person, the lessee of the two
ancient mills, erected a third, adjoining the Lower Mill,
the new rent of which was fixed at only 2/. 6s. 8^.
in consideration of his capital outlay. * Thus in
143 1 and long afterwards, there were three mills,
known respectively as the ' Overmylle, ' the ' Nether-
mylle, ' and the ' Newmylle. ' ^ In 1620, the first
of these was called ' the Higher Mill, ' while the
other two, united under one roof, were called ' the
Lower Mill. ' "^ By 1739, the rent of the water
grist-mills had been raised to 22/. In 1777, it was
' D.C.M. viii. 2. * D.C.M. XI. 3 ; xviii. 4.
* D.C.M. X. 2. * Iiiq. post mortiin,9 Hen. VI. no. 51.
* D.C.M. XVIII. 2, 4; XIX. Q ; Inq. post "^ I). CM. xv. 10.
mortem, 9 Hen. VI. no. 51,
328 A HISTORY OF DUNSTER. ch. ix.
35/. loj. The Upper Mill has entirely disappeared.
The Lower Mill, with two wheels, was partly rebuilt
in 1 80 1 upon the old site, and perhaps to some extent
according to the old design, some of the windows
being pointed. Nestling amid lofty trees immediately
under the precipitous slope of the Tor, and close to
a clear stream fringed with dock-leaves and meadow-
sweet, the grist-mill of Dunster has long been a favour-
ite subject with artists and photographers. In 1886,
just eight hundred years after the compilation of
Domesday Book, the rent of the mill was fixed at
40/., eighty times the nominal amount of its value in
the reign of William the Conqueror. The wheels,
however, often stand idle nowadays, the lessee having
a more important mill at Minehead.
A quaint little bridge, just below the mill, consid-
erably altered by Henry Fownes Luttrell in the
eighteenth century, may represent the Mill-bridge
mentioned in medieval records.
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